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never exceeded 6 or 700 men under Butler and Rutherford, two of the most active and zealous partizans in that country. Lord Cornwallis and Major Craig had paroled a third of the people; but all these advantages were lost, by want of conduct elsewhere. But how can Great Britain contend against all the world ? I confess this is a very aweful question, and was it a true state of her situation, I should not hesitate to pronounce it impoflible. But governments, like individuals, are governed by interest or passion. If Rulia is worthy the alliance of your country, make it her interest to unite with you.
Gibraltar and Minorca are small purchases for this country, and the West-Indies : for, depend on it, the latter will not remain long dependant, if the former has her Independance. All the fine speeches that were inade in the former Spanish wars, on supporting these garrisons, appear to be very futile this war. In no instance have they answered our purpose. You will say they have divided the enemy's force, and engaged their attention. I acknowledge they have done this, but only to a degree, that by no means has prevented the enemy from being superior to us in every quarter. Give the last of thcse places to Russia, and let her affist you in this country, The diversion of force will still exist, and you have more strength to meet your enemy in another place; and for a peace with Spain, and a possession of Porto Rico, give up Gibraltar.
I have made-up my mind upon our publick fituation; and I am thoroughly persuaded, that, however mistaken I may be in my plans, no one can more fincerely and heartily with prosperity and glory to my country, than I do myself; and it will give me the highest pleasure, if any humble ideas of mine can contribute to rouse her from that infatuation that has so long guided her, and to restore her to that !ustre and fame the formerly so juftly poffeffed. If
my representation accords with your better judgment, I am sure your friendship for me will induce you to lay it before those whose sphere it is to give it effect.
But great naval exertions must be made to recover the dominion of the seas; exemplary punishments inflicted on those who have neglected their duty, and the utmost secrecy in all publick measures; I mean in what relates to expeditions and plans against the enemy.
Much is lost in America for want of address and atten. tion to those who join the British standard. The pride and vanity of the British military is little calculated for a people so much upon a level as they are in this country. It ought to be remembered, that the human heart is often gained by trifles, and it is a very common adage, that injuries are sooner forgot than insults. Firmness and uniformity are essential to all great undertakings, and never to recede from what is, in its own nature, just and proper. It is the highest folly to be denouncing threats and punishments one day, and the next relaxing.
The enemy are making preparations that indicate a design against Charles-Town. A fiege or an evacuation is the general topic at present. For my own part, I have. so bad an opinion of the judgement and conduct of those here, who guide the British affairs, that I am more afraid of the last. I don't think Green will undertake a regular fiege, 'till a French naval force arrives to co-operate with him. We may be vulnerable in some places, and a great want of discipline prevailing, may induce him to attempt an enterprize against some of our fea-ports : It is very certain they have been building and colle&ting boats for fome time; but perhaps this is only a preparation for the French. Be this as it may, no attempt whatever has been made by our people, either to destroy their boats and magazines, or to intercept their supplies either
of flores or of cattle; and I am well informed, that Green was lately so distressed for the last, that he made a demand on North-Carolina for a large supply, to raise which each county was taxed in proportion to its capacity. A great consumption of provision took place whilft the French remained in the Chesapeak, to the great distress of the inhabitants.
THOUGHTS ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA, AND
THE BEST MANNER OF ACKNOWLEDGING IT.
To the Printer of the PUBLIC ADVERTISER,
Nov. 22, 1782. AS the concession of Independence to the revolted pro. vinces of North America seems to be the great object on which the restoration of peace depends--and there are difficulties attending this concession which still make some people averse 10 it, notwithstanding the urgent necessity of procuring peace upon any terms that are not absolutely ruinous to the nation, I beg leave to state to your readers a few reflections that have occurred to me upon the subject, and which may tend to remove or lessen those difficulties, and to dispose the nation to come into this most falutary measure heartily and speedily, and, if pollible, with one accord.
I think it seems now to be pretty generally agreed, that there is no longer any reason to hope that we shall be able to reduce the Americans to obedience by force, What was not done in the years 1776 and 1777 with the great armies under General Howe and General Burgoyne against the Americans alone, while they were yet unused to war, can hardly be effected against them now, after they have been converted into a nation of soldiers by seven years' uninterrupted war, and when they are supported by the arms of three powerful European nations, the French, the Dutch, and the Spaniards, of whom the first are actually put in poffeffion of the harbours of Boston and Rhode INand, and other important posts in those provinces. I Mall not there
fore insif ( pon another observation, of the truth of which I am nevertheless most thoroughly persuaded; which is, “ That if we could reduce them to obedience by main force, “ and that in the space of a single campaign, il would not “ be worth our while to do so ; but that the expense and
other inconveniences that would attend the keeping them “in fubje&ion after they had submitted, (which certainly « could not be done without erecting and maintaining many “ fortified places throughout that extensive country, with a "large standing army of forty, or at least thirty thousand “ men) would more than counterbalance all the advantages “that would arise to us from their becoming again, in this “manner, our fellow-fubje&ts.” If indeed it be true (as fome gentlemen confidently affure us) that a great majority of the people in these provinces (as, for example, threequarters, or four-fifths, or more) are really friends to Great Britain, and desirous of returning to their obedience to the Crown, and of renewing their old connection with us, I must confess that such a disposition would be a fortunate change in our favour, and would deserve to be cultivated. But let us not hasily believe that they are in such a dispo. fition, while their publick actions and declarations all testify the contrary. Let their General Continental Congress and their Provincial Affemblies, (the members of which, we must remember, are not possessed of their power during their whole lives, like our House of Lords, nor even for seven years, like our House of Commons, but are chosen every year by the people, and who therefore ought not to be confidered as factious or partial bodies of men, that pursue a feparate interest from that of the people, and govern them in a manner contrary to their inclinations,) I say, let their Congress and Assemblies declare their willingness, (if they really are so inclined,) to return to their old connection with ps, and I will agree that we ought to receive them with