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ing with the enemy, and betraying the caufe of France, "and, by means of fuch accufations, of driving him from "the throne."

Mr. Mallet du Pan informs us of another curious fact, which fhews us how much the prefent rulers of France are loft to all fenfe of juftice or humanity.

There are now in France many bloody Tribunals, lately erected for trying crimes against the State, which are called Revolutionary Tribunals, befides the principal one, which is at Paris, and by which fo many unhappy perfons have been put to death. One of thefe is for the Department of the river Ain, and the prifon belonging to it is at a place called Bourg. Many prifoners of different ranks and conditions were confined in this prison of Bourg for pretended State-crimes. But, as there were no proofs of their guilt, the Judges of the revolutionary Tribunal of that Department did not condemn them to die. This regard to justice was confidered by the Commiffioners from the Convention, who were fent to fuperintend their proceedings, as a criminal flackness and neglect of their duty, and the Commithioners upbraided them on account of it; to which when they anfwered, "that they could not find in their hearts to "condemn to death a crowd of citizens of all forts and "conditions that were then in the prifons, without having "proofs of their guilt"-the Commiffioners replied fharply, and with countenances full of anger, 66 Why if we had thought it neceffary to proceed only upon proofs, could we ever have condemned Lewis Capet?" Such are the perfons who now govern the French nation.

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Before I conclude this letter, I will just mention what I take to be the grand mistake of the French nation, and of the political writers whofe fentiments they have adopted, within the last four or five years. It is, "that civil government should be adminifter d by the people at large.” Now

this is totally impracticable in a large country, fuch as England or France, and very abfurd and inexpedient in a small country, fuch as one of the fmaller Swifs Cantons, or the Republic of Geneva. On the contrary, it is in all cafes expedient to delegate the power of Government to a felect part of the fociety that is to be governed; whether, to one perfon, (which makes an Abfolute Monarchy) or to one perfon with an affembly of reprefentatives chofen by the people, or by the land-holders or house-holders of the country (which would make a Limited Monarchy fimilar to the late Conftitutional Monarchy of France,) or to one person with two affemblies, the one confifting of the richer part of the fociety, either holding their feats by Inheritance, to make them independent of the King, or appointed by the King for life, but with certain neceffary qualifications of large property or high offices; and the other chofen by the people, or by the land-holders or householders among the people, (which would make a Limited Monarchy, fuch as that of England) or to one or two felect affemblies, without a fingle perfon, which would make a Common-wealth, or Republick. These and other fuch modifications of the publick power, delegated by the whole fociety to a felect part of it, are practicable schemes, and may produce a tolerable fyftem of Government, under which a civil fociety may flourish and be happy.

But for the whole people to retain the power of the Government in their own hands, and exercise it themselves, is the height of all abfurdity, and was never attempted before the prefent experiment in France; of which we fee, and feel, and lament, the horrid effects!

In all the ancient republicks of Greece and Italy, themajority of the people were flavès. In Athens (which is often mentioned as a noble democracy, in which the people governed themselves,) there were only 20,000 free citizens, and 400,000 slaves; that is, twenty parts out of twenty-one were governed by the remaining twenty-first part,

In

In Sparta, the Helots, who were kept in a fhameful state of flavery, were much more numerous than the free Spartans. And the like obfervation may be made on the inhabitants of Rome, and the other Republican governments of antiquity.

In fhort, the truth is, first, that all juft government is for the people, and ought to have their welfare and happiness in view as its grand object, and not the happiness of the governing few, otherwife than in common with the governed, or inferior members of the fociety; and, fecondly, all just government is derived from the people, or founded on their confent, either expreffed or implied, fince no man, or body of men, have received an exprefs commiffion from the Supreme Being to govern their fellow-creatures; but, thirdly, it is equally true that all good government ought to be vested in a felect part of the people, with the choice and confent of the reft, and not in the people at large, and that it fhould be administered by such select part, and should be fubmitted-to by the reft of the people with chearful, refpectful, and grateful, obedience, which is commonly called loyalty, till fome enormous abufes of the powers of government, by the governing part of the fociety, have been complained-of, and petitioned-againft, by the perfons who have fuffered from them, and yet have not been corrected and reformed, but infolently perfevered-in and repeated; in which cafe there lies in the people at large a moral right, not togovern themfelves, but to diffolve the government which they had before adopted, difmifs their governours, and choofe better men in their ftead, and, if neceffary, a better form of government than they had before; and then submit to fuch new governours and new form of government with the fame deference, refpect, and humility, with which they had before fubmitted to the former government, while it

had

had been justly adminiftered, and before the existence of the abuses which had given occafion to its overthrow.

Every interference of the people at large with government, beyond this, leads only to confufion and mifery.

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THOUGHTS ON THE LATE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE.

To the PRINTER of the MORNING HERALD.

Mr. EDITOR,

Oct. 1, 1797.

ON reading in your Paper this morning, that the French Directory infifted, in the late negotiation at Lifle, on Great Britain's reftoring all the conquefts fhe has made both from the French and from the Dutch before they will confent to Peace with us, it occurred to me that fuch a demand would give us a juft pretence for forming a counter-demand of fomewhat the fame nature, but much more moderate in its extent, upon them and their allies, the new Batavian Re public. This demand is, that the French Government would reftore to the Batavian Republic the town of Maestricht, and all the rest of what was called Dutch Brabant, and every thing else that the late Dutch Government poffeffed in the Low Countries before the French invafion; and would also cede to them the city and Marquifate of Antwerp, and the town of Oftend, with the district adjoining it; and that the Batavian Republic would reftore to the prince of Orange all the eftates which have been taken from him, and which belonged to him as prince of Orange, independently of his office of Stadtholder. Such a propofal would, I fhould fuppofe, be agreeable to the Batavian Republic, as it would tend, in fome degree, to restore them to a ftate of independence of France, of which they are at prefent little better then a province: and it would be but a fmall diminution of the large

and

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