for the Colonies, intimated to them that it was a question entirely for the Colonies themselves, and that no obstacle to its accomplishment would be thrown in their way. In 1858, when, in furtherance of the then adopted policy of the Canadian Government, Messrs. Cartier, Galt and Ross specially waited upon the Imperial Government, requesting authority for a meeting of delegates from each of the Colonies, to take the question into consideration, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, the then Secretary, replied that the question "was necessarily one of an Imperial character," and declined to authorize the meeting because, with the exception of one, he had received no expression of sentiment from the Lower Provinces on the subject. In 1862, the Duke of Newcastle, the then Colonial Secretary, in a dispatch to the Governor-General, after stating in explicit terms that Her Majesty's Government was not prepared to announce any definite policy on this question for a similar reason, added that "if a union, either partial or complete, should hereafter be proposed, with the concurrence of all the Provinces to be united, I am sure that the matter would be weighed in this country, both by the public, by Parliament, and by Her Majesty's Government, with no other feeling than an anxiety to discern and promote any course which might be the most conducive to the prosperity, the strength and harmony of all the British communities in North America."

The war in the United States, however, and the Trent affair of 1861-2, put an end to all vacillation on the part of the Imperial Government; and from the Prime Minister to the peasant, whether Liberal or Conservative, whether Tory or Radical, but one policy for the future was to prevail. British America was to be consolidated; British America was to be made self-reliant; British America was to be put in a position to require as little from the British Government as was possible, with an allegiance that was voluntary, and a connection that was almost nominal. The integrity of the Empire was to be preserved, but the outlying frontier was to be mainly instrumental in preserving it. Union received an astounding impulse. It perhaps never before occurred that two independent bodies, moving in their own orbits, so suddenly and so simultaneously received an influence from different causes,

impelling them in the same direction, and that direction to result in their mutual good. The force was irresistible; it was to the same end, but neither body was to be coercive of the other. The outward pressure of mutual necessity and mutual advantage broke like light upon the public mind. Both parties were to be strengthened, but the result was to be obtained by the voluntary action of a free people, the exercise of their constitutional rights, the assent of the national judgment. Events moved on with startling rapidity. What, up to 1861, had been the shadowy outline of a patriot's broad conceptions, or the enthusiast's dream, suddenly sprang into a tangible creation, "rudis indigestaque moles" at first, but soon to be moulded into shape, each fragment taking its proper place, each individual part fitting to its proper sphere, and standing forth a compact and substantial fabric.

In the winter of 1864, though the public mind was thus agitated, all reasonable hopes of effecting any arrangement with Canada, either of a fiscal nature or for the construction of the intercolonial road at an early day, seemed to have been abandoned in the Lower Provinces; and the Legislatures of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island had, at their sessions in that year, severally passed resolutions authorising their respective Governments to enter into negotiations, and hold a Convention for the purpose of effecting a union of the Maritime Provinces, political, legislative and fiscal. That Convention was appointed to meet at Charlottetown, in Prince Edward Island, in the month of September following.

It is necessary here to retrace our steps for a moment, and take a rapid glance at the position of Canada. During the previous ten or fifteen years, though politically united, the conflicting interests of Upper and Lower Canada had become more divergent. At the union of the two Provinces, under Lord Sydenham, in 1841, the Parliamentary representation was rather in favor of Lower Canada; and the rule of equal territorial représentation, which, in the interests of Upper Canada, was at that time adopted, in order to neutralize the supposed inequality, was, owing to the more rapid increase in wealth and population of that Province, found soon to operate to its disadvantage. In a short time Upper exceeded Lower Canada in its population by many hundred thou

sands (nearly half a million), without having received any corresponding increase in representation, or influence in the raising or disbursement of the revenues obtained from the taxation of both. Thus, prominent among the political questions of the day became Representation by Population.

But the governing by double majorities was equally a source of difficulty. It was necessary that the portion of the cabinet formed from each Province should carry with it the support of the majority of the representatives of the Province from which it came. A more absurd mode of government could hardly be conceived; for while the leading ministers and statesmen of both Provinces might be thoroughly united on a question of general importance to the whole, the local jealousy of a part of either one particularly affected might deprive the portion of the cabinet belonging to that Province of its support, and thus defeat a ministry commanding the confidence of the whole country, and a majority of the Parliament, but unable, from some local cause, to carry a particular section. Under such a system, local jealousies are fostered, broad and liberal views are abandoned, sections become powers, principles degenerate into personalities, consistency is sacrificed for place, and the parliamentary debates become remarkable for the acerbity they display, rather than for the talent they evolve.

The jealousies between the Upper and Lower Canadas increased; party lines became more clearly defined (if adherence to persons and sections more than to principle can be called party); and government, in a parliamentary sense, became practically impossible. In the session of 1863, on all questions affecting the then existing ministry, under the leadership of the Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald, the divisions were so nearly equal that the Government ceased to command its proper influence. At the re-assembling of Parliament in February, 1864, finding that no additional strength had been acquired during the recess, though a dissolution had taken place and a general election had been held for the purpose of testing public opinion, the Government resigned; and in March, 1864, a new administration, under Sir E. P. Taché, was formed. Up to June the divisions shewed a similar position for the new Government. On the 14th of June the Journals of the Legislative Assembly have the following entry:-"The Hon. Mr. Brown

6

from the select Committee appointed to enquire into the important subjects embraced in a dispatch to the Colonial Minister, addressed to him on the 2nd Feb., 1864, by the Hon. Geo. E. Cartier-the Hon. A. T. Galt and the Hon. John Ross, then members of the Executive Council of the Province, while in London, acting on behalf of the Government of which they were members, in which they declared that 'very grave difficulties now present themselves in conducting the Government of Canada in such a manner as to show due regard to the wishes of its numerous populations.' That differences exist to an extent which prevents any perfect and complete assimilation of the views of the two sections.' That 'the progress of population has been more rapid in the western section, and claims are now being made on behalf of its inhabitants for giving them representation in the Legislature in proportion to their numbers.' That the result is shewn by an agitation fraught with great danger to the peaceful and harmonious working of our constitutional system, and consequently detrimental to the progress of the Province,'—and that 'the necessity of providing a remedy for a state of things that is yearly becoming worse, and of allaying feelings that are daily being aggravated by the contention of political parties, has impressed the advisers of Her Majesty's Representative in Canada with the importance of seeking such a mode of dealing with the difficulties as may forever remove them,'—and the best means of remedying the evils therein set forth, presented to the House the Report of said Committee, which was read as followeth : "That the Committee have held eight meetings, and have endeavoured to find some solution for existing difficulties likely to receive the assent of both sections of the Province."-" A strong feeling was found to exist among the members of the Committee in favor of changes in the direction of a Federative system, applied either to Canada alone, or to the whole British North American Provinces, and such progress has been made as to warrant the Committee in recommending that the subject be again referred to a Committee at the next Session of Parliament.

"The whole respectfully submitted.

"GEORGE BROWN,
"Chairman."

On the same day the Government was defeated by 60 to 58, on a vote of censure relative to some transactions connected with bonds of the City of Montreal, and to the Grand Trunk Railway in 1859, five years before, under a previous administration. The contest was personal,→the Dead Lock had come. Between that day and the 30th of June the supplies were hurried through, and the House was prorogued. On the 23rd of June, previous to the prorogation, when the Orders of the Day were called, the Hon. Attorney-General Macdonald rose to make ministerial explanations in regard to the recent negotiations for strengthening the Government. He read the following statement of what had passed between the Government and Mr. Brown from the commencement to the close of the negotiations.

"Immediately after the defeat of the Government on Tuesday night (the 14th), and on the following morning, Mr. Brown spoke to several supporters of the Administration, strongly urging that the present crisis should be utilized in settling forever the constitutional difficulties between Upper and Lower Canada, and assuring them that he was prepared to co-operate with the existing, or any other Administration that would deal with the question promptly and firmly, with a view to its final settlement.

"Messrs. Morris and Pope asked, and obtained leave, to communicate these conversations to Mr. John A. Macdonald and Mr. Galt.

"On Thursday, at three, P.M., just before the Speaker took the chair, Mr. John A. Macdonald said to Mr. Brown while standing in the centre of the Assembly Room, that he had been informed of what he, Mr. Brown, had stated, and he wished to know if Mr. Brown had any objections to meet Mr. Galt and discuss the matter? He replied, certainly not.

"Mr. Morris accordingly arranged an interview with Mr. Brown; and on Friday, the 17th June, about one, P.M., Messrs. Macdonald and Galt called on Mr. Brown, at the St. Louis Hotel. Mr. Brown stated that nothing but the extreme urgency of the present crisis, and the hope of settling the sectional troubles of the Province for ever, could, in his opinion, justify their meeting