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he was

all the worlde. I have hearde saye,
of the opinion that he believed not the immor-
talytye of the soule, that he was not ryghte in
the matter. And it mighte well appear by the
takynge of hys death.-But ye well say,
What
ye sclaunder, ye breake charitye.-Nay, it is
charitie that I do, we canne have no better use
of hym nowe, than to warne others to beware
by hym.-Christ saith, Remember Lotte's
Wife! she was a woman that would not be
content with her good state, but wresteled
wyth God's callinge; and she was for that
cause turned into a salt stone, &c. Thus may
thys man be an example to us. Let us all
subjects judge well of our magistrates in suche
matters, and be content wyth theyr doings,
and loke not to be of the Counsaile.-And
thus toke I occasion to speake of him, and to
profit you thereby, and I beseech you so to
take it, he may be a good warnyng to us, and
this is the best use that wee can have of him
now."

for bym, he shall have bys fynal sentence when
he dyeth. And that servant of hys that con-
fesseth and uttered hys gere, was an honest
manne. He dyed honestlye in it.
God put
it in bis herte. And as for the tother, whether
he be saved or no, I leave it to God. But
surelye, he was a wycked man, the realme is
well rydde of hym.-It hath a treasure, that he
is gone, he knoweth hys fare by thys. A terri-
ble example surelye, and to be noted of every
man; nowe before he shoulde dye, I heard say
he had commendations to the kyug, and spake
many wordes of his majestye. All is the
kinge, the kinge. Yea, Bona verba. These
were fayre wordes, the kynge, the kynge.' It
hath been the the cast of all traitours to pre-
tend nothing against the kynge's person, they
never pretend the matter to the kynge, but to
other. Subjects maye not resyste anye magis-
trates, nor oughte to do nothinge contrarye to
the kinge's lawes. And therefore these wordes,
the kynge,' and so fourth, are of small
effect. I have hearde muche wickednes of thys
manne, and I have thought oft, Jesu, what wyl
worth, what wyl be the ende of thys manne?
Among others (that went to execution) I heard
of a wanton woman, a naughtye lyer, a whore,
a vayne bodye: and was ledde from Newgate
to the place of execution, for a certain robberye
that she had committed, and she hadde a wyck-
ed communication by the waye. This woman,
I saye, as she went by the waye, had wan-
ton and folyshe talke, as thys: that yf good
fellowes hadde kept touch wyth hyr, she hadde
not been at thys time in that case; and
amongste al other talke, she saied, that such
a one, and named this manne, had hyr mai-
denhead fyrste; and heryinge thys of hym at
that tyme, I loked ever what woulde be hys
ende, what woulde become of hym.—He was a
manne the fardest frome the feare of God that
ever I knewe or herade of in Englande. Fyrste
he was author of all thys woman's whoredome.
For if he had not had hyr maydenhead, she
myghte have been maryed, and become an
honeste womanne; whereas nowe beying nought
with hym, shee fell afterwarde by that occasion
to other and they that were nought wyth
hyr fel to robbery, and she folowed; and thus
was he author of all thys. This geare came
bi sequels, peradventure thys maye seeme to
be a lyghte matter, but surelye it is a great
matter and he, by unrepentance, fel frome
evyl to worse, and from worse to worste of all,
tyll at the length he was made a spectacle to

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In his fifth Sermon he saieth, "You will saye this, the parliament house are wiser than I am; you might leave them to the defence of themselves: although the men of the parlia ment house can defende themselves, yet have I spoken thys of a good zeale, and a good ground of the Admiralle's wrytinge: I have not fayned, nor Iyed one jote. I will nowe leave the ho nourable counsayle to answer for themselves. He confessed one fact, he would have hadde the governaunce of the king's majesty, and wot ye whye? He sayed, he would not in his mi noritie have him brought up lyke a warde. I am sure he hath been brought up so godly, with such schole-masters, as never king was in Englande, &c."

And in his seventh Sermon he saieth thus: "I have heard say, when that good quene (meaning queen Catherine) that is gone, had ordained in her house dayly prayer both before none and after none, the Admyral gettes hym out of the waye, lyke a moule diggying in the earth. He shal be Lotte's Wyfe to me as long as I lyve. He was a covetous man, an hor rible covetous manne; I woulde there were no mo in England: he was an ambicious man; I woulde there were no mo in Englande: he was a sedicious man, a contemnar of Cominune Prayer, I would there were no mo in Eugland: he is gone, I wolde he had lefte none behind him. Remember you, my lordes, that you pray in your houses, to the better mortification of your fleshe."

41. Proceedings in Parliament against EDWARD, Duke of SOMERSET, Lord Protector, for Misdemeanours and High Treason: 3 Edw. VI. A. D. 1550. [2 Burnett's Reform. 183. 2 Fox's Acts and Mon. 748. 1 Cobb. Parl. Hist. 592.]

ampton; the earl of Warwick, great chamberlain; and most of the council. On the 12th of Oct. the whole council went to Windsor, and coming to the king, they protested, that all they had done was only out of zeal and affection to his person and service. The king received them very kindly, and thanked them for their care of him. On the 13th they sat in council, and sent for those who were ordered to be kept in their chambers, only Cecil (afterwards the famous lord Burleigh) was let go; and, in the end, the Lord Protector was commanded from the king's presence, and committed to ward in a Tower within the castle of Windsor, called Beauchamp Tower: and the next day, being the 14th, they brought from thence the Protector, and conveyed him to the Tower of London. Some time after, the lords resorted to the Tower, and there charged the Protector with the following Articles of Misdemeanour and High Treason (c).

ARTICLES objected to the Duke of Somerset.

THE duke of Somerset having taken the part | city and commons to aid them to take him of the common people against the nobility in from the king." This was signed by the lord the business of Inclosures, made himself many Rich, lord chancellor; the lord St. John, preenemies. He had also given great grounds ofsident of the council; the marquis of Northjealousy by entertaining foreign troops in the king's service; and the noble palace he was raising in the Strand out of the ruins of some bishops houses and churches, drew as publick an envy on him as any thing he had done : And his acting by his own authority, without asking the advice of the Council, and often against it, was assuming a regal power, and seemed not to be endured by those who thought they were in all points his equals. Thus, all September, there were great heats between the lords and him. The king was then at Hamptoncourt, where the Protector also was, with some of his retinue and servants about him, which increased the jealousies: for it was given out, he intended to carry away the king. On the 6th of Oct. some of the council met, and sent to the lord mayor and aldermen of London to obey no letters from the Protector, and wrote to the nobility to inform them how they were proceeding. The Protector hearing of these things, removed the king to Windsor in all haste, and armed such as he could gather for his preservation whereupon several Letters passed between the Council at London, and those at Windsor (a): and at last a Proclamation was published against the Protector to the following effect: "1. That the Protector, by his malicious and evil Government, was the occasion of all the sedition that of late happened within the realm. 2. The loss of the king's Pieces in France. 3. That he was ambitious and sought his own glory, as appeared by building of sumptuous and costly houses in the time of the king's wars. 4. That he esteemed nothing the grave counsel of the councillors. 5. That he sowed division between the nobles, the gentlemen, and the commons. 6. That the nobles assembled themselves together at London, for none other purpose but to have caused the Protector to have lived within limits, and to have put such order for the surety of the king's majesty as appertained: whatsoever the Protector's doings were, which they said were unnatural, ungrate, and traitorous. 7. That the Protector slandered the Council to the king, and did what in him lay to cause variance between the king and the nobles. 8. That he was a great Traitor (b), and therefore the lords desired the

(a) See the Articles offered by the Protector, and the Letters that passed between the Jords and the king, in 2 Burnet's Reformation, P. 183.

(b) This Proclamation, which had made him

"1. That he took upon him the office of Protector, upon express condition, that he should do nothing in the king's affairs, but by assent of the late king's executors, or the greatest part of them. 2. That contrary to this condition, he did hinder justice, and subvert laws of his own authority, as well by letters as by other command. 3. That he caused divers persons, arrested and imprisoned for treason, murder, man-slaughter, and felony, to be discharged, against the laws and statutes of the realm. 4. That he appointed lieutenants for armies, and other officers for the weighty affairs of the king, under his own writing and seal. 5. That he communed with ambassadors of other realms alone, of the weighty matters of the realm. 6. That he would taunt and reprove divers of the king's most honourable councillors, for declaring their Advice in the king's weighty affairs against his opinion; sometimes telling them, that they were not worthy

a Traitor, within three days was called in again, with commandment given none of them to be sold. 2 Fox's Book of Martyrs. 1217.

(c) Fox, and Hayward (in his Life of king Edward VI.) both say the duke was in the Tower a small time before the lords laid the Articles to his charge: but Burnet and Rapin say, the duke was called before the Council on the 14th, and that the Articles of his Accusation were then read to him.

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to sit in council; and sometimes, that he need raise the king's subjects to rebellion and open not to open weighty matters to them; and that war. 22. That the king's privy council did if they were not agreeable to his opinion, he consult at London to come to him, and move would discharge them. 7. That against law he him to reform his government; but he hearing held a Court of Request, in his own house; and of their assembly, declared, by his letters in did enforce divers to answer there for their free-divers places, that they were high traitors to the hold and goods, and did determine of the same. king. 23. That he declared untruly, as well to 8. That being no officer, without the advice of the king as to the other young lords attending the Council, or most part of them, he did dis- his person, that the lords at London intended pose offices of the king's gift for money; grant to destroy the king; and desired the king never leases and wards, and presentations of bene- to forget, but to revenge it; and he desired the fices pertaining to the king; gave bishopricks, young lords to put the king in remembrance and made sales of the king's lands. 9. That thereof; with intent to make sedition and dishe commanded alchimy and multiplication to cord betweeen the king and his nobles. 24. be practised, thereby to abase the king's coin. That at divers times and places, he said, “ the 10. That divers times he openly said, that the lords of the council at London intended to kill nobility and gentry were the only cause of me; but if I die, the king shall die: and if they death; whereupon the people rose to reform famish me, they shall famish him.' 25. That matters of themselves. 11. That against the of his own head he removed the king so sudmind of the whole Council, he caused procla- denly from Hampton-Court to Windsor, withmation to be made concerning Inclosures; out any provisions there made, that he was whereupon the people made divers insurrec- thereby not only in great fear, but cast thereby tions, and destroyed many of the king's sub- into a dangerous disease. 26. That by his Letters jects. 12. That he sent forth a Commission, he caused the king's people to assemble in great with Articles annexed, concerning inclosures, numbers in armour, after the manner of war, commons, highways, cottages, and such like to his aid and defence. 27. That he caused matters, giving the commissioners authority to his servants and friends at Hampton-Court and hear and determine those causes, whereby the Windsor, to be apparelled in the king's armour, laws and statutes of the realm were subverted, when the king's servants and guards went unand much rebellion raised. 13. That he suf- armed. 28. That he caused at Windsor his fered rebels to assemble and lie armed in own person in the night-time to be guarded in camp, against the nobility and gentry of the harness by many persons, leaving the king's realm, without speedy repressing of them. 14. majesty's person unguarded; and would not That he did comfort and encourage divers re- suffer his own guard and servants to be next bels, by giving them money, and by promising the king's person, but appointed his servants them fees, rewards, and services. 15. That he and friends to keep the gates. (d) 29. That caused a Proclamation to be made against he intended to fly to Jersey or Wales, and laid law, and in favour of the rebels, that none of post-hores and men, and a boat, to that purthem should be vexed or sued by any for their pose." (e) offences in their rebellion. 16. That in time of rebellion, he said, that he liked well the actions of the rebels; and that the avarice of gentlemen gave occasion for the people to rise; and that it was better for them to die, than to perish for want. 17. That he said, the lords of the parliament were loth to reform inclosures and other things, therefore the people had a good cause to reform them themselves. 18. That after declaration of the defaults of Bulloign, and the pieces there, by such as did survey them, he would never amend the same. 19. That he would not suffer the king's pieces of Newhaven, and Blackness, to be furnished with men and provision; albeit he was advertised of the defaults, and advised thereto by the king's council; whereby the French king was emboldened to attempt upon them. That he would neither give authority, nor suffer noblemen and gentlemen to suppress rebels in time convenient; but wrote to them to speak the rebels fair, and use them gently. 21. That upon the 5th of Oct. the present year, at Hampton-Court, for defence of his own private causes, he procured seditious Bills to be written in counterfeit hands, and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the realin; beginning th Good People;' intending thereby to

20.

After he had read and considered the above Articles he sent the underwritten Submission to the Lords:

Edward Duke of Somerset's first Submission.

"I Edward, duke of Somerset, have read and considered these saide 29 Arucles hefore specified, and do acknowledge my said offences, faults, and crimes, doone and conteined in the | same, and most humblie prostrate on my knees, do fullie and wholie submit myselfe to the most aboundant mercy and clemencie of the king's majestie, for the moderation of my saide of

(d) This Article is in Stowe's Chronicle, but omitted in Hayward's Life of Edw. 6, and Burnet's Reformation.

(e) “Upon these accusations, to which it was then no time to answer, he was sent to the Tower; those whom he had taken so much pains to humble being become his proper | Judges. He could not deny that most of the facts laid to his charge were true. But the question was, Whether they were crimes? for he was accused neither of fraud nor of rapine, nor of extortion. But that was to be decided only by the peers of the realm, or by the par liament." 8 Rapin, 72.

fences; having my full trust and confidence, that his majestie, with the advice of his highnesse most honourable counsaile, will consider mine offences, faultes, wordes and proceedings, that if anie of my saide offences be by his clemencie pardoned, remitted, or otherwise discharged, that I maie enjoye the benefite thereof, although the same become unknowne. And farther, I do most humblie beseech all my lordes, and other his majesties most honourable counsayle, not onlie to be meanes to his majestie, to take awaie and consider mine offences to have proceeded more of ignorance, negligence, follie, wilfulnes, and for lacke of good consideration, than of anie kankerd or malicious hart, evil intent or thought, tending to anie treason to his majestie or realm: but that it may please his majestie, by the charitable advise of their good lordships, to have pity upon mee, my wife and children, and to take some mercifull waie with me, not according to the extremity of his lawes, but after his great goodness and clemencie, whereunto whatsoever it shall bee, I doe most humblie with all my hart submit myselfe. Written with mine owne hande the 23rd day of December (Burnet says the 13th) in the 3rd yeere of our soveraigne lord king Edward the sixth."

However, on the 2nd of January, a Bill was put in against the duke of Somerset of the Articles before-mentioned, with the above Confession. This he was prevailed with to do, upon assurance given, that he should be gently dealt with, if he would truly confess and submit himself to the king's mercy. But some of the lords said, they did not know whether that Confession was not drawn from him by force : and that it might be an ill precedent to pass Acts upon such papers, without examining the party, whether he had subscribed them freely and uncompelled: whereupon a committee was appointed of four temporal lords and four spiritual, who were sent to examine him concerning it. The day following the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield made the Report: That he thanked them for their kind Message, but that he had freely subscribed the Confession (f) that lay before them. He made it on

his knees before the king and council, and signed it: and he protested his offences had flowed from rashness and indiscretion rather than malice; and that he had no treasonable design against the king or his realm. So both houses soon passed the Bill against him, and he was fined, by an act of parliament, intitled, An Act touching the Fine and Ransome of the duke of Somerset ; that is, for the punishment of his late Misdemeanors, whereby he was fined 2000l. a year of land, and lost all his goods and offices. Upon this, he sent another | Submission.

The second Submission of Edward Duke of Somerset, Prisoner in the Tower.

"I am most fearefull and full of heavinesse, my verie good lordes, to understande that my last letter was no better accepted at your lordships handes, to whom I am bounde during my life, for your most gentle and mercifull dealinge with me, that it pleased your goodnesse to bring my case to a fine. I truste your lordshipes never think that ever I did, or woulde intende, to stand against the king's majestie and youre lordshipes goodnes, or that I woulde goe about to justifie my cause, seeing his majestie and your lordshipes offereth clemencie, mercie, and pardon. Although the fine be to me importable, yet I doe commit myself wholie to his highnesse and your lordships mercies; I pray onlie the moderation of it, and did covet to declare to youre goodnesse mine inabilitie to beare it: And yet referred all to his majestie, and your wisdome, goodnesse, and discretion. And I most humblie desire your lordshipes not to think that I was about to contende with your lordshipes, when I did speake of my conscience, I might erre, in that I thought I did for the best, as I doe acknowledge and confesse, that neither I am the wisest man in the worlde, nor yet if I were, I shoulde not escape without a most singular grace, but manie times I shoulde offende: But I leave all that, and most humblie, simplie, wholie, and lowlie, I submit my selfe to the king's majestie and to your good lordshipes; appealing from the rigour and extremitie of his majestie's lawes, to his majesty's great mercie and clemencie; praying your goodness to bee meanes (f)" Many thought his Confession a very to his majestie, not to bee offended with mee, strange thing, and aggravated the abjectness of nor to exclude his majestie's mercie and besuch a behaviour. But it was doubtless benignitie from me, for my rudeness and lack of cause they would have been glad he should have taken another course, which would not have failed to prove fatal to him. It is certain, that among the Articles of his Accusation, there were several which could be justified only by the intention, which could scarce have served his turn in the house of peers the major part of whom were not inclined to favour him. For instance, to mention only the chief Article; could he deny that, contrary to the condition on which he was made Protector, he had degraded, as it were, the other regents, and reduced them to the state of bare counsellors?' It is true, he might have alledged the king's

VOL. I.

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patent. But it was the patent of a minor king, between ten and eleven years old only, who looking upon him as his governor, did every thing by his advice; wherefore the duke could never have cleared himself upon this Article, any more than upon several others. Consequently his only remedy was to own himself guilty of all, and to cast himself upon the king's mercy. Besides, it concerned hin highly to get out of prison if it was possible on any terms, since it was dangerous for him to continue any longer in the hands of his enemies." Rapin, 76.

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don for my former folly. And thus I most humblie commit your good lordships to Almighty God, to whom I shall alwaies pray that ye maie long continue in honor. From the Tower, the 2d of Februarie."

discretion, but to accept my good minde as one that faine woulde doo that were well. And when I cannot or have not doone that things I ought to do, I would gladlie amende, and am readie at all times without condition to doo and suffer willinglie that thing that your ho- He came out of the Tower on the 6th of nours will appoint mee, accepting what cle- February, giving bond of 10,000l. for his good mencie or mercie soever I obtayne to be of his behaviour, but limited that he should stay a majestie's and your goodnesse. Most humbly the king's house at Sheen, or his own at Sion, on my knees praying his majestie and your good and should not go four miles from them, nor lordships to pardone mine offences, and to or- come to the king or council, unless he was callder me for them, as to his moste high mercifulled; and when he knew that the king was to clemencie shall appeere convenient. And fi- come within four miles of these houses, he was nallie flying froin extremitie of justice, desire to withdraw from them. mercie, as you bee, and are called, most mercifull counsellors, not imputing my writings and doings hitherto as of stoutenesse or stubborn-lowing he went by invitation to court, to the esse, but onlie for lack of discretion and wis dome. For the which once again I require pardon and favor to be shewed, and if it pleased your good lordshipes to heare me, I trust you should find me lowly unto your honors, and so conformable unto your lordships orders, that I trust to make amends, and obtaine par

On the 16th he had his Pardon, and carried himself so well, that on the 18th of April fol

king's majesty at Greenwich: where he was honourably received by the king and his council, and dined with the king, and was sworn of the privy-council: and the king of his special favour, and at the humble petition of the council, by patent dated June the 4th, gave him back almost all his estate that was forfeited.

42. Proceedings against EDWARD Duke of SOMERSET, for High Treason and Felony, at Westminster: 5 Edward VI. A. D, 1551. [2 Burnett's Reform. 181. 2 Fox's Acts and Monum. 1217. 1 Cobb. Parl. Hist.

589.]

Sir Thomas Palmer's Examination. He declared, That upon St. George's-Day last, before the duke of Somerset being upon a journey towards the north, in case sir Wm. Herbert, master of the horse, had not assured him that he should receive no harm, would have raised the people: and that he had sent the lord Gray before to know who would be his friends: also that the duke of Northum berland, the marquis of Northampton, the earl of Pembroke, and other lords, should be invited to a banquet; and if they came with a bare company, to be set upon by the way; if strongly, their heads should have been cut off at the place of their feasting. He declared farther, that sir Ralph Vane had 2000 men in readiness: that sir Thomas Arundel had assured the Tower, that Patridge should raise London, and take the Great Seal; that Sey mour and Hamond would wait upon him, and that all the horse of the gendarmerie should be slain.

THE duke of Somerset had such access to duke was chiefly sir Thomas Palmer's Informthe king, and such freedoms with him (notwith-ation; who being brought by the duke of Norstanding the late Judgment against him), that thumberland privately to the king, related the the earl of Warwick had a mind to get rid of whole conspiracy. him. The duke seemed also in April this year to have got the king again in his power, and dealt with the lord Strange to persuade the king to marry his daughter Jane; and that he would advertise him of all that passed about the king. The earl of Warwick had got himself created duke of Northumberland; and for several of his friends he procured a creation of new honours. The new duke of Northumberland could no longer bear such a rival in greatness as the duke of Somerset was, who was the only person that he thought could take the king out of his hands: so a design being laid to destroy him, he was apprehended on the 17th of October, and sent to the Tower, and with him the lord Gray, sir Ralph Vane, sir Tho. Palmer, sir Tho. Arundell, were also taken, and some of his followers, Hamond, Newdigate, and two of the Seymours, and were sent to prison. The day after, the dutchess of Somerset was also sent to the Tower, with one Crane and his wife, and two of her chamber-women: after these, sir Tho. Holdcroft, sir Miles Patridge, sir Michael Stanhope, Wingfield, Bannister, and Vaughan, were all made prisoners,

But sir Thomas Palmer though imprisoned with him as an accomplice, was the person that ruined him. The Evidence against the

The earl of Rutland did affirm, that he had made a party for getting himself declared Protector in the next parliament.

The above-mentioned particulars were told the king, with such circumstances, that he was induced to believe them, and resolved to leave him to the law.

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