he should by no means regard it as a matter of indifference, whether he uses his elective franchise or not. It is a high constitutional obligation which he is bound to discharge. One man has no better right to omit this duty than another, for if one may neglect it all may; and on the supposed general dereliction of the duty, what becomes of the government? It must either cease to act or be abandoned to usurpation. The idea of the constitution is, that every qualified citizen shall vote at each election. Any citizen who declines to vote, v rtually surrenders h s share in the benefits of the government, or rather, he contributes, pro tanto, to its dissolution. The omission operates in its moral influence like the neglect to pay his taxes in its pecuniary consequences-the result in the latter case being a deficiency in the ways and means of carrying on the government, as in the former, it is a diminution of the legitimate effect of the constitutional requirement, that the elective agents or functionaries should be the choice of an actua majority of the constituency-the choice, in so far as it comes short of that point, failing to realize the intendment of the organic law. Hence the futility of the notion-too prevalent that one vote is of no importance, being the elector is apt, in excuse of his neglect; to say, among the thousands or ten thousands of votes cast, as a drop in the ocean. But the ocean, it should be considered, is formed of drops, as the mountain is but an aggregation of particles; and the largest majorities are made up of single votes. An added drop will cause a full vessel to overflow-a feather fallen on a scale in equilibrio, will change the balance, and a careening ship in equipoise, be capsized by one additional grain; so a single vote may change an administration and with it the policy of the government. Such instances have actually occurred. In the State of Massachusetts, which in the last Presidential canvass, polled one hundred and thirty-two thousand nine hundred and thirty-six votes, Governor Moreton was a few years since elected over Mr. Everett by a majority of one vote. How many thousand electors desiring his defeat, remained at home, each supposing that his single vote was of no consequence! Not so reasoned or acted the sages and patriots of the revolution. The father of his country invariably cast his vote. Bishop White, who slighted no duty, was ever mindful of this; and Chief Justice Marshall, whose patriotism was equal to his intellectual grandeur, discharged this great civil obligation to the last. All who are convinced of their duty in this particular as we have endeavored to demonstrate it, should, of course, regulate their conduct accordingly; and it may even be hoped, that they will employ their influence to correct the error of a prevalent custom. Lancaster County contains at least 18,000 suffrages. At the general election in 1854, the votes cast in this county for the candidates for Governor, were 15,661; being five hundred less than the proportion of the suffrages of Lancaster compared with the aggregate vote of the State. A large number of our electors (say from two to three thousand) commonly abstain from the polls. Here then is a field at hand, for the labor of those who take an interest in the eradication of existing evils, and implanting in their stead true ideas as germinating principles of action. The sovereign power having organized a body of electors, for the purpose of designating by their independent and intelligent choice, the 1858.] The Duty of the Citizen. 229 proper agents in the several departments for carrying on the governmen', it follows that the electors in the discharge of this duty, should exercise all possible diligence and discretion, in order that they may elect the best qualified and most suitable persons for every place. This is enforced by every consideration of patriotism, and ought to be for each voter a cardinal point of conscience. In vain have the people ordained a free and equal system of government, unless the several departments are placed under the charge of the best citizens-the most upright, intelligent, and capable. Hence the exceeding importance of the elective power; it is the parental source of administration; it gives vitality to the government; and just in proportion to the care and fidelity with which it is exerted, will the administration of the several branches, be strenuous or feeble, pure or corrupt. Indeed, unless it shall demonstrably appear that merit furnishes the criterion of election, our government will in time lose its prestige and come to be regarded, as an experiment which has failed. If on comparison with other governments, it is discovered that talent and integrity are more rarely employed with us, our government will cease not only to attract the respect of the world, but to secure our own. It is therefore the manifest duty of the elector to choose as wisely and well as his opportunities duly improved will enable him to do; and never to cast his vote for a candidate whom he does not believe to be both capable and honest. It seems to be the necessary result of any political arrangement, which gives a considerable number of people an active participation in public affairs, that parties will grow up in the State. It were vain therefore to deplore the existence of parties or party spirit amongst us, however we may condemn their excesses; nor can true patriotism desire their extinction, since that could only occur by reason of "a universal alarm for the public safety, or an absolute destruction of liberty." Generally electors are divided into two parties; and as candidates for their suffrages are designated previously to the election, there are usually but two sets of candidates for the various offices to be filled. Each elector must therefore vote for one or the other set, or for a ticket of his own selected from both; otherwise his vote is given to the winds. For this reason, an elector who desires to have a voice in the nomination of candidates, may find it expedient to attach himself to a party; and that party measures may be originated and conducted in a proper spirit, it is right that men of integrity should not stand aloof from party connections. To a young man upon whom the duty of an elector has devolved, parties are an interesting subject of consideration. I shall say nothing about the choice of a party, for I mean in all my remarks to avoid any allusion to special politics; but supposing him to have espoused his side -what are the principles upon which he ought to act in relation to it? It is but reasonable that he should be affected with the esprit du corps, and desire the prosperity of his party. "To love the subdivision, the little platoon we belong to in society" (says Burke) is the first principle -the germ, as it were of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country and to mankind" The act of associating implies concession and compromise of individual preferences, and an agreement to abide by the determinations of a majority. No resolve of a party could otherwise be of avail. In all questions of mere expediency, or of probable utility, or of doubt in regard to the relative fitness of proposed candidates, any one may reasonably defer to the opinions of a majority, conceding that they are more likely to be correct than his own, or those of the minority. The exercise of a little modest reflection may satisfy him, that his judgment ought not to be weighed against that of a majority, actuated by purity of motives equal to his own. But what is he to do, if the measures of his arty are in his deliberate judgment, inimical to the general welfare, injurious to the rights of others, unconstitutional or illegal, or if the candidates of his party, are not only less fit than others, but in point of integrity and capacity wholly unfit for the stations which they are selected to fill ? Can he support such measures or such men? Unquestionably not. His duty to his country and to his own character forbids it. He should oppose them upon the first suggestion; he should urge upon his associates, that their success could not be considerable or permanent, unless it were founded upon patriotism and justice; that the prospe ity of a party depends upon the rectitude of its proceedings-that to secure the design of all patriotic party combination, the most able and upright candidates should be presented for the public suffrages-that every improper measre and every unfit selection, tend directly to break down a party as well as to injure the public interests; that character is as essential to the stability of a party as to that of an individual; and that, although temporary triumph attend the decisions of a party, yet if these were inconsistent with the general good, the effect would certainly be experienced, sooner or later, in the diminished favor of the public, and the slackened zeal of the members themselves. If such representations prove ineffectual to dissuade your associates from the contemplated course; if for the sake of some paltry object of self-interest or aggrandisement, they will rsh into measures adverse to the public weal, your obligation to go along with them is at an end. Be true to your country and to yourself, "And it must follow, as the night the day, A party is distinguished from a faction, not by its numbers, but its aims, which are for the welfare of the country; whereas those of a faction always centre in some project of selfish advantage involving a sacrifice of the public good, or an encroachment upon the rights of others. A faction is ever hostile to liberty, and the formidable enemy to fiee government. It is the ice into which parties are most liable to fall, and against which they should most sedulously guard. The general welfare is the legitimate object of party. No matter how extensive the combination of political elements, if the interests of a few be its aim, and not the good of the whole, it should not be dignified by the name of a party. It is a faction merely. Hence, a minority ma constitute a party, whilst the majority may be nothing better than a faction. A party too, whose general conduct is patriotic, may under a temporary excitement of passion, or in the pursuit of particular interests, engage in the prosecution of factious measures. But the paramount duty of every citizen requires, that he should resist such measures, no matter whence they emanate. Were his cou se invariably adopted, it would tend to bridle the proclivity to party aberration; for factious partizans 1858.] The Duty of the Citizen. 231 would be deterred from suggesting improper measures or men, by the fear of the opposition they must immediately encounter, and of losing by defeat, their partic lar weight and influence Let no consideration of party expediency, not even the pretended necessity of its preservation, divert him from the path of rectitude, or induc him ostensively to approve what he conscientiously condemns. All such pretexts are fallacious. The only basis upon which any party can safely rest, is that of just ce and patriotism. It may flourish for a while upon disingenuous expedients, but deception is necessarily shortlived, where men are free. Those who resort to it invariably lose in the end more than they gain; they lose their character, they lose the public confidence, and with it their future efficiency. The great portion or mass of the parties in our cou try, are disinterested and patriotic. They will go far in following their leaders whom they trust, and they are sometimes led astray; but once convinced that their confidence has been abused, they withdraw it altogether. There cannot be one sort of obligations for a party and another for individuals; that which honesty demands from the latter, must be equally due from the former; that which patriotism and honor forbid to a citizen, must be equally forbidden to any number of citizens by whatever name they may combine or be designated. If popularity be the prize, what conduct so well dapted to win it, as that which evinces an uncompromising attachment to principle? Integrity is undoubtedly the mo t popular characteristic of a citizen; and what more striking proof can be given of it, than an opposition founded on conviction to the present will of your party? You may suffer a temporary eclipse, but you will ere long emerge the brighter for the obscuration. You may for a time sink out of view, but the returning wave of public estimat on, will place you on still higher ground than that on which you formerly stood. You will have shown yourself worthy of trust, by refusing to yield to the dictates of passion or prejudice, and by sacrificing present advantage to the maintenance of the right. The surest way to the hearts of an intelligent people, is found in the habitual exhibition of an honest independence of spirit; whereas the complaisant wooers of popularity, who trim their sails to every veering breeze, find instead of the thrift, which they expected to follow fawning, the contempt and scorn that they deserve: They live and are despised; they die, nor more are named." The most popular man of our day, owed his success more to the unflinching assertion of his own opinions, even when in conflict with those of his party, than to any other of the many causes of his extraordinary fortune. A belief in his integrity took root in the public mind, and the people rallied to his support in every emergency. But suppose the contrary should happen to you; that on account of your honest difference of opinion, the favor of your party should be wholly withdrawn, you have the satisfaction, which springs from the mens sibi conscia recti, "A peace above all earthly diguities A still and quiet conscience;" and which infinitely surpasses the hollow gratification of "the retail politician," who basely panders to the low passions and prejudices of others, professes opinions which he does not entertain, and is ever ready -to sell "The mighty space of his large honor, "For so much trash as may be grasped thus." Having in the sketch I have here feebly drawn, endeavored to show, that the sovereign authority rests in the people en masse; that by the constitution they have established a government of limited powers; that they have ordained those powers to consist of a body of electors, a legislature, an executive, a judiciary; and with respect to the citizen, that he is a real and efficient member of the government, in the capacity of an elector; that his duty as such is eminent and essential, and that it is neither to be neglected nor negligently performed, I desire now to invite your attention to some other considerations suggested by this view of our system. The citizen having fulfilled his duty as an elector, henceforth bears a different relation to the government; he becomes a citizen at large, or one of the people, just as the legislator does, after his term of office expired. He is not entitled to exercise any control over the elected, whether legislator, governor or judge. By some means the notion has obtained, that the electors are entitled to instruct the representative or senator whom they have elected as to what measures he shall support, and what he shall not support; though it never was presumed that they were authorized to instruct the governor how he should act, or the court how they should decide. But is not the right as good in one case as in the others? If founded at all, it applies to the executive and the judge as well as to the senator and representative. It is a solecism void of foundation, and utterly inconsistent with the independence and obligation of the legislator. He, when elected, finds his powers and duties prescribed in the constitution, which he is sworn to support. Here his province and duties are defined, and he is sworn to perform his duty with fidelity. These are his only instructions, emanating from the sovcreign authority of "we the people"-the same authority by which the elector was entitled to cast his vote, and by which as an elector, he is entitled to do nothing else. The electors are not to legislate. Who ever supposed they were invested with such a power? Who ever supposed that the senator and representative were sworn to perform their duty as the electors might require? But possibly it may be said, that though as electors they may not instruct, yet as the people they may. To this I answer that the people, as before intimated, have en masse already delivered their instructions, which are recorded in the constitution and frame of government. Whatever they chose to grant or command they have there set forth; and in the declaration of rights, they have expressed all that they intended to reserve. They have not reserved the right of instruction, but they have reserved "the right in a peaceable manner to assemble together for their common good, and-to apply to those invested with the powers of government for redress of grievances or other proper purposes, by petition, address or remonstrance." So the sovereign authority of the people, has left the legislator just as it leaves the governor, to his responsibility under his election and oath of office, and the constitutional requirements and reservations. He is not |