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1858.]

Unhappy Marriages.

223

"Don't interrupt us," said Marcus; "now what's yours, Oscar?" "I couldn't make much out of my list," remarked Oscar; and after a moment's hesitation he read:

"If I could shoot a rabbit, I would make gravy of him; and then the girl should serve him up with onions in the most sublime style." Kate then read:

"I don't care much about poetry, and I hate physic, but I should like to hit Ronald with a broomstick."

"You'd better try it!" cried Ronald, jumping into an attitude of self-defense, as the merry laugh rang over the house.

Sentences were also read by Marcus and Ellen Blake, who had become an inmate of the house. Another round was then proposed with a larger list of words; and now that the character of the play was better understood, they found it more amusing than at first.

UNHAPPY MARRIAGES.

As persons, doubtless older and better qualified than myself, are at present discussing this subject in an able manner, it may seem foolish in me to add to what has already been said; but when I look about among the married class of people, and see how many are made miserable by unhappy marriages, and consider what a vast amount thoughtlessly and inconsiderately take upon themselves the names of husband and wife, I believe the subject should be investigated by every individual.

Marrriage seems to me like a very great, eventful step in life; one that should be taken with the utmost caution; for when one considers that their happiness and that of another is at stake for life-time, it becomes necessary that they carefully study the nature and character of the chosen individual, and their own character, ere their fortunes in life are united.

Many a girl, to escape the appellation sneeringly given to the female. class that remain single, marries one with whose nature she is wholly unacquainted, and only learns his real character by bitter experience!-She is introduced to one of pleasing address and pre-possessing appearance, and he becomes her beau ideal of a husband: a few hurried visits, a charming billet doux, a whispered yes, and she is his bride, ; but, alas, she finds that in after life a pleasing, attentive lover is not always capable of making a good husband.

A young man meets et a social party, a dance, or some other place of amusement, a young lady who by her pretty face, graceful accomplish. ments, and thousand little winning ways, finds her way into his heartHe becomes fascinated, and immediately resolves that the remainder of his life shall be devoted to her, whom he really fancies that he loves; but when the pleasing excitement of fashionable dissipation are for a while suspended, and she assumes the name of wife, he learns too late that all is not gold that glitters.

BOOK NOTICES.

THE BOQUET, AND OTHER POEMS. By James Scott Brown, Lancaster, Pa.: Murray, Young & Co., 1858: pp. 124.

A new Poet-hailing from Lancaster county. This is a matter worthy of attention. We have examined this little volume with care and a good deal of interest. It is Mr. Brown's first appearance before the public, and we think it is in many respects quite successful. The movement and measures of the majority of pieces is easy and graceful. The first and longest Poem, the Boquet, has some very fine passages. As a whole it perhaps lacks progress in the thought. Like a boquet its grouping is at least apparently careless, but its flowers are none the less fragrant. Its greatest faults are perhaps to be found in repetitions of the same images, and the frequent use of compound words. Practice and careful study may enable the author to be still more successful. The following we regard the gem of the book. It is worthy of the pen of any of our poets.

A SONG.

As the light to the flower, as the flower to the bee,
So, even so! was thy love to me;

The light flies; the flower dies;

The bee hies

Away to its home, and its winter cell;

And my spirit in darkness alone doth dwell.

As the Spring to the breeze, as the breeze to the Sea,

So, even so! was thy love to me:

The Spring goes; the gale blows;
The Sea knows

The strength of the giant invisible;
And my soul in a winter cloud doth dwell.

As the air to the bird, as the bird to the tree,

So, even so! was thy love to me:

The air's dark; the bird stark;

The tree-hark!

'Tis the leaves, which fall with a dying sound;
And I go to a rest, that is under ground.

The volume is gotten up in a neat and tasty style, and we should be glad to hear of its meeting with a ready sale. It is to be had of the publishers, Marray, Young & Co., Lancaster, Pa.

WHY DO YOU WEAR IT? Or, The Fashionable Professor. By James E. Giffin, A. M., Principal of the Churchtown Academy, Lancaster county, Pa. Lancaster, Murray, Young & Co., 1858, pp. 128.

This little volume contains much wholesome truth. The sin and folly of lavishing money uselessly on extravagance of dress are severely rebuked. The scripture testimony against this sin is strongly brought out. Its injurious effects upon the person indulging in it are shown, as well as its evil tendency in relation to the Church and the world. Our extravagant times call for such a treatise, and Mr. Giffin has well performed the work. Let it be bought and read. Thousands of copies might be circulated at less expense than is foolishly lavished upon the dress-follies of a single season, and far more to the advantage of men and women in time and eternity. To be had of the publishers in Lancaster, Pa.

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[This able address is on a subject which concerns every American Citizen, and presents much information with which especially the young men of our land ought to be familiar. On account of its solid character it requires not only reading but study. Let not its length deter any one from giving it a thorough examination. The nut that is hard to crack is often the sweetest ]-ED. GUARDIAN.

IN an address upon the opening of the Mechanics' Institute in this city, many years ago, the theme selected was, "The social order established in the United States of America ;" on which occasion, it was supposed these propositions were successfully maintained:

1. That our system of social order best answers the true end of government; which is a trust committed by the governed, for their own benefit, to their rulers, as fiduciaries or agents.

2. That being founded on the natural basis of equality and justice, and commanding the support of public opinion, our government is administered with the least expense-the least show of force or parade of authority; but with the greatest possible efficiency.

3. That it is stronger, firmer, more tranquil by reason of its inherent energies and the sympathy and support of the people than either the English or French government with which it was compared; in fine, that it is the most stable of all governments, and the most efficient in securing obedience to the laws and repressing the turbulence of intestine commotions.

4. And therefore that the social order of the United States, as manifested in the frame of our government and its successful operation, is superior to that of the most powerful and enlightened nations of the old world.

Viewing it also as developed in the institutions of private life and individual fortune, the general spirit of improvement and the happiness and prosperity of the people, a conclusion equally favorable to our country, was attained.

It is not deemed necessary on the present occasion to repeat the argament or the illustrations by which those positions were confirmed. But

on the assumption of their indubitable truth, it would appear to be an appropriate inquiry, What is the duty incumbent on the citizen of such a government and a member of such a society? A system of polity, so superior and in some respects unique, must create novel and peculiar obligations. Has not a citizen of the United States other duties, than those of the subjects of countries less liberal and free-duties resulting from his political status or relation to the government?

The sovereignty of the people here, is by no means a vague generality; it is a substantial truth; and every citizen is really, and in fact, a member of the government. To comprehend this, we must consider, that behind the organization of our government, are the people, by whom it was established.

The Constitution is the frame of government, founded by the people. The Constitution of the United States and Pennsylvania, begin with the announcement of this great truth: "We the people do ordain and establish this Constitution (so it is declared in the first) to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity."

To accomplish such objects, the government is framed, with three coordinate departments; the legislative, executive, and judicial, each having its separate and well defined province; that of the legislature being to provide the necessary laws; that of the courts to expound those laws, and that of the executive to superintend their execution. But in constructing the government, it was perceived that it was requisite to its operation to supply the departments with the properly qualified agents; and that since they were to hold their offices for a limited term, it would become necessary to choose from time to time, the incumbents of the legislative and other offices, established by the constitution. Had the constitution merely marked out and defined the legislative, executive, and judicial authority, it would have p:oduced only a skeleton void of life or action-an engine without the ower to move it. It was obviously essential that another branch of the government should be superadded for the purpose of electing, at stated periods, suitable persons to execute the powers which had been delegated to the three co-ordinate departments; and the people therefore, n the constitution have established an electoral body, consisting of the citizens, i. e., of every white freeman, (according to the constitution of this Commonwealth) of the age of twenty-one years, having resided in this state one year, paid a State or County tax, &c. As electors, the citizens qualified to vote, constitute an efficient portion of the actual government, essential not only to its original operation, but to its continued subsistence. Periodically they are required to determine the selection of the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, and the subordinate agencies by which the govern. ment is conducted. All the officers and agents who rule and govern, are of their choice. Each citizen by exercising his franchise as a voter, constantly participates in the appointment of those who wield the powers of government, and is, thus, an essential portion of the government itself. He is indeed subject to the laws, but so are the rulers by whom they are administered, the legislature who makes them, and the judge who expounds them; and if these junctionaries be indispensable to the action

1858.]

The Duty of the Citizen.

227

of the government, not less so, are the members of that body, who exercise the powers of election, to which they owe their existence.

Viewed in this connection, our government may be regarded as consisting of the electors and elected the constituency and their representatives; each division and distinct portion, having its proper authority and functions derived from the people and precisely defined in the constitution; the people meanwhile retaining whatever they have not delegated, in the power granted to the several departments of government. Thus we perceive, that every citizen, as an elector, is truly and effectively a member of the government, with functions strictly defined by the cons itution, involving high and essential duties-duties as clearly and precisely incumbent on him, as any which the constitution devolves upon the members of the legislative, executive, or judicial branches. It is also seen, that there remain with the people en masse, many important rights not delegated either to the electors or the other branches of the government, but which at the formation of the constitution, they excepted out of the general powers of the government, and declared should forever remain inviolate. Among those rights reserved to the people, is the predominant sovereign right of altering, reforming, or abolishing their government, in such manner as they may think proper.

The object in presenting these views of our constitutional system, is to aid in the solution of the question, "What is a citizen to do ?" An inquiry not without interest, we suppose, for all who appro.e the motto,

On reason build resolve,

That column of true majesty in man.

In the celebrated sea fight of Trafalgar, the heroic Nelson made this sublime appeal to the patriotism of his fleet, in displaying the signal for battle: "England expects every man to do his duty." Not a heart, we may suppose, on board that gallant navy, but swelled high with courage when his country was thus summoned in imagination to the warrior's side to witness his prowess and devotion. Every arm was nerved to do or die, and their valor was crowned by a victory the most splendid in the annals of England, justifying thenceforth her triumphant boast

Britannia needs no bulwark,

No towers along the steep;

Her march is o'er the mountain wave,
Her home is on the deep.

In like manner, our country signifies in the frame work of her constitution, that she expects of every citizen and ele tor that he will do his du y; nor was the obligation to respond to such a call ever clearer or more cogent. It i founded, not on a general sentiment alone, but on the relation of the citizen und r the constitution to his country and to his government. For in the first place, the citizen being a component part of the people, who formed the government, his own consent to the obligation is clearly implied. In the second place the performance of his duty as a citizen and an elector, is necessary to the perfection of the government.

But what is the duty of the citizen of a republic like ours, so free, so beneficent, with institutions so equitable, and a social order superior to tha which exists elsewhere? It has been shown that the exercise of his functions, as an elector, is essential to the government. First of all, then,

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