1793 in this war, to make a diversion of their attention and their forces, whilst she was effecting her design of completely subjugating the Poles. And he determined, if possible, to compensate for his late il success by sharing with that princess in the spoils of an oppressed people whose protector he had declared himself. In the mean-time, Frederic William sent his minister to deliberate with those of the other confederates at Antwerp. The duke of Brunswick took the field again with the Prussian army, and did essential service to the common cause at the opening of the campaign on the Rhine; whilst the allied army was successfully employed' in the Netherlands. But before the close of the year that disunion which generally proves the bane of confederacies, began to prevail among the allies, in consequence of their abandoning their original principle of not making war with a view to conquest.— The different sentiments and political views of the German powers, at this period, appeared in the different measures proposed by them. The emperor, who had gained Valenciennes, and promised himself further acquisitions, represented the imminent danger which threatened the empire from so formidable an enemy as the French republicans were now seen to be, who vowed destruction to the existing establishments in church and state; and he invited all the circles to rise in a mass, to resist them.Frederic William, on the contrary, who was averse to a war which promised him nothing to compensate for the great expences of it, and who was desirous to find a plausible pretext for withdrawing from the confederacy and employing his forces in Poland, opposed this proposition, on the grounds of the injury which the public would sustain from it by the loss of labourers in husbandry, and the danger of putting arms into the hands of the people in the present agitated state of their minds. He exaggerated his past services: he claimed indemnities from the empire: and he declared that, unless the circles were charged with the maintenance of his forces, he must recal his troops, and employ them in the defence of his own dominions: at the same time, he treated with scorn the rumours which imputed to him interested motives, and protested that he had no other objects but the safety of the empire and the maintenance of the Germanic constitution, in whose defence his treasury had been exhausted.a -The -The result was that the duke of Brunswick resigned his command at the close of the campaign; loudly complaining that the tardiness of the Austrians had paralyzed his efforts; that the weaker princes and states of the empire, foreseeing that, should the war continue, their interests would be sacrificed to the ambition of the greater powers, became indifferent to a cause which promised them no indemnity for their expences; that the levy in mass did not take place; and that even their common contingents were badly and slowly furnished." 1793 DENMARK AND SWEDEN. THESE Small states, being situated at a great distance from France, and sensible of no particular danger from the revolution in that country, appear to have thought themselves more interested in preserving peace, and enabling their subjects to make advantage of the broils among their powerful neighbours by enlarging their trade, than in taking part in a contest which must necessarily bring on them great expences, and might possibly be attended with much detriment.-The duke of Sudermania, if we may judge from his conduct, came to the regency with a full conviction of the expediency of pacific councils, to afford the Swedes an opportunity to recover themselves from the distresses arising from domestic dissension and foreign war. He might, moreover, deem it good policy to observe a neutrality towards France at this crisis, that he might merit the support of that government in case of the renewal of war with Russia. 1793 RUSSIA, POLAND, AND PRUSSIA. AMBITION is seldom at a loss in finding specious pleas for its own gratification. The empress and his Prussian majesty, being convinced that their views respecting Poland would be best promoted by amicably accommo 1793 1793 dating its final dismemberment to their respective interests, embraced the favourable opportunity for carrying their design into execution which presented itself in the existing circumstances of the European powers, and the prevailing dread of what were now termed French principles.-These, which were to be their cover, only served to aggravate their crime: and as long as the love of freedom and of justice shall remain in the breasts of men, their blood will boil with indignation when they read the manifestoes published to justify their intended violation of public faith. Frederic William, in his manifesto,† after speaking of the proceedings of the patriots and of the confederates of Targowitz in the late year, and applauding the zeal with which Catharine opposed the measures embraced by the former in the adoption of a new constitution, proceeds thus:-" the so called patriotic party, instead of yielding to the salutary designs of the "court of Russia, had even the temerity to make an obstinate resistance to the imperial troops; and, although their weakness soon forced them to "renounce the chimerical idea of an open war, they still continue to "create private combinations, visibly tending to subvert order and public tranquillity. Even the king's own dominions feel their consequences, by repeated excesses and violations of territory. But what still more requires the serious attention of the king and all the neighbouring powers, is the propagation of French democracy, and the principles of that "detestable faction who seek to make proselytes every where, and who "have been already so well received in Poland, that the enterprises of the jacobin emissaries are not only most powerfully seconded there, but even revolution societies established, who make an open profession of their principles.”-His majesty then proceeded to point out the parts of the Polish kingdom which were most infected with these principles; which, fortunately for him, were those adjoining to his own territories. He informs us that the courts of Vienna and Petersburg thought it sound policy not to suffer the factious to be free in Poland, nor his Prussian majesty to be exposed to the danger of having an enemy in the rear whose violent and wild enterprises might become a source of fresh troubles. He then relates the wise measures adopted by him to provide against these wild enterprises; such, no doubt, as he deemed better calculated to give him security than 66 + January 6. even 66 even the protection of the courts of Vienna and Petersburg. "His majesty has, therefore, resolved to get the start of them, by sending a sufficient body of troops, under the command of monsieur de Mollendorf, into the territories of the republic, and especially into several "districts of Great Poland.-These measures of precaution," says he, "have for their aim to cover the Prussian territories; to suppress the illdisposed incendiaries and disturbers of tranquillity; and lastly to afford "effectual protection to the well-disposed inhabitants. It will only depend "on them to merit that protection by a tranquil and prudent conduct, by giving to the Prussian troops a friendly reception, and assisting them " with whatever they may want, and facilitating their subsistence.”—In fine he assured them of his friendly intentions towards them, and told them "that he was fond of cherishing the hope that, with sentiments so pacific, " he may depend on the good-will of a nation, whose prosperity cannot "be indifferent to his majesty, and to whom he wishes to give real proofs "of his affection and good wishes." 66 A weaker pretext for the interference of one state in the concerns of another surely never was exposed to public derision: for, upon the same grounds, these protectors of good order might have extended their pretended zeal to promote the general happiness of mankind, as well as their own safety, to every free country in Europe; as the weeds of licentiousness are ever seen to spring up in the luxuriant soil of liberty: and yet we should, probably, in such a case, have heard them either deriding the absurdity or deprecating the evils of such a friendly embrace. Had his majesty's conduct been correspondent with his manifesto, we might, indeed, have believed, that, conscious that the system of government established in his own states was hostile to the true interests of his subjects, he was actuated only by a dread that they would be tempted by the example of France to attempt the establishment of a constitution upon democratic principles. But, without adverting to his duplicity in so basely deserting an alliance formed professedly for the purposes of rooting out democracy and re-establishing monarchic government on its proper basis in France, and in afterwards becoming in effect the ally of a government in the same country which he justly denominates a detestable faction, let us attend 1793 1793 attend to the subsequent measures of himself and his Russian ally; and we shall perceive that their chief motive in these transactions was a boundless ambition. Within three weeks after the publication of Frederic William's manifesto, the Prussian troops entered Thorn, a Polish city enjoying many peculiar immunities; and very soon after, a Prussian garrison of 2700 men were quartered upon the inhabitants of Dantzic, and a commissary was sent thither to regulate their duties, excise, and other matters of the same kind, b The eyes of the confederates of Targowitz were now opened, and they saw the interested views of their foreign protectors, when it was too late either to obstruct the designs of these monarchs, or to regain the esteem of their patriotic countrymen. In a protest against the entrance of the Prussian troops into the Polish territories, || after apologizing for their conduct by declaring the principles on which they had acted, viz. an adherence to the established government, guaranteed by Russia, and which they deemed conducive to the national welfare, and declaring their reliance on the empress's protection for securing them happiness, such," they subjoin, "was the state of Poland, when the declaration of his majesty the king of "Prussia froze every heart with terror and surprise. The motives assigned "for the entrance of the Prussian troops into the territories of the republic "could not fail to give rise to uneasy suspicions in the minds of the Poles, "whose character is as loyal as their conduct is open."-After adverting to the loyal assertions in the Prussian manifesto respecting the democratic clubs, and to the steps taken to inform themselves on the subject, with a view of discharging what they conceived to be their duty towards his majesty, by suppressing them, if any such had existed, " they declared that no symptoms of disturbance appeared in the country; that all revolu"tionary clubs were proscribed; and that the public force, supported by "the presence of the Russian troops, was more than sufficient to suppress "all commotions."-They then called on his Prussian majesty to recal his troops, the movements of which since their entrance upon the Polish territories they detailed; at the same time expressing their hopes that upon reflection on their present representation, he would readily comply with their January 24. February 3. b Hist. of Poland. 421. 24. |