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the country; and many being sensible | sagacious politician say on the subject of of the ease which the issue had brought, the new currency. But the necessities were more than prepared for a repetition of the government were such that it could of the experiment. But the sagacious Talleyrand warned the Assembly against mistaking a factitious for a real prosperity, and predicted the course which the financial policy of Mirabeau would infallibly take.

"People," said he, "judge of this second issue by the success of the first; but they will not perceive that the wants of commerce, checked by the Revolution, naturally caused our first conventional issue to be received with avidity; and these wants were such that, in my opinion, this currency would have been adopted had it even not been forced. To ground an argument, however, on this first success, in favor of a second and more ample issue, is to expose ourselves to great dangers. The assignats will undoubtedly have characters of security which no paper-money ever had none was ever created upon so valuable a pledge, clothed with so solid a security but still it must be admitted that never will any national paper be upon a par with the metals, never will the supplementary sign of the first representative sign of wealth have the exact value of its model; the very title proves want, and want spreads alarm and distrust around it. Why will assignat money be always below specie? In the first place, because there will always be doubts of the exact application of its proportions between the mass of the assignats and that of the national property; be cause there will long be uncertainty respecting the consummation of the sales; because no conception can be formed by what time two thousand millions of assignats, representing nearly the value of the domains, will be extinguished; because money being put in competition with paper, both become a marketable commodity, and the more abundant any commodity is the lower must be its price; because with money one will always be able to do without assignats, whilst it is impossible with assignats to do without money; and, fortunately, the absolute want of money will keep some specie in circulation, for it would be the greatest of all evils to be absolutely destitute of it."

Much more in the same strain did the

listen at the time neither to threats nor remonstrances; and in the face of all Talleyrand's warnings and appeals, a new issue of eight hundred millions was ordered, with the new and important proviso, that the notes should no longer carry interest. This marked the second stage in the history, and having described these preliminary steps with some minuteness, we may glance more rapidly over what is to follow.

With a security so tangible as that of the assignats, it might have been expected that they would have maintained their nominal value for at least a considerable length of time. To the confiscated domains of the church was by and by added the property of the loyal emigrants, consisting not only of lands, but of houses and shares, with whatever movables, in the shape of furniture and jewels, they had been unable to carry along with them; and it cannot be doubted that if these had been sold at a reasonable rate, they would have brought more than enough to meet the expenses of the gov ernment during the first years of the Revolution. But notwithstanding this apparently favorable state of the public assets, the paper fell soon and rapidly.

One cause of this has already been indicated the inconvertibility of the security; but other things concurred with that in accelerating the decline; for example, the people had no confidence that the assignats which had been made to serve their original purpose-which had been paid into the treasury in exchange for value received-would be withdrawn from circulation. In one case, a quantity was known to be re-issued, and as what was done once might be done twen ty times, the act gave a cast of insincerity and untrustworthiness to the entire scheme. Besides, what was done by the authorities, with the design of checking the fall, had actually the effect of rendering it more swift. In August, 1793, a silver franc was worth six francs in assig nats, and two consequences, of course, followed-coin was hoarded, and the prices of every other species of commod ity were raised. But instead of accepting these results as inevitable, the gov ernment, with that unhappy tendency to

meddle which has always been characteristic of French rulers, attempted forcibly to mend the matter. A law was passed, making it punishable to exchange a certain quantity of gold or silver for a more considerable quantity of assignats; in other words, all were required, under a penalty, to regard the paper franc and the metal franc as equal in value; and when this failed to bring down the price of bread by raising the worth of the assignat, the artificial law of the maximum was enacted; that is to say, commodities were not allowed to find or make their own price in the market; the price was fixed for them, in each commune, by the municipal authorities; and the baker or the butcher who charged more than the legal sum for his pound of bread or meat, was liable to be taken up as an offender, and subjected to fine and imprisonment. These regulations were well meant, but, as might have been expected, they worse than failed to maintain the value of the paper-money. It could not but be felt that an article which required such extraordinary aids to keep it afloat, must have an inherent and irremediable tendency to sink, and the depreciation went on accordingly.

Under these circumstances, a state of things was brought about which in some respects strikingly resembled that which we have recently been witnessing in America. All debtors became naturally eager to pay off their incumbrances; and creditors, forced to accept what was due to them in greenbacks, got back no more than perhaps a sixth part of what they lent. Then large holders of assignats, knowing that such capital was perpetually melting away in their hands, made attempts in every direction to exchange them for something of inherent or less-varying value, and a fictitious briskness was thus communicated to trade. These men would buy anythingpictures, furniture, bills of exchange on foreign countries, or shares in stocks, or banks, or companies, which last-mentioned species of property rose, in consequence of this demand, to previously unimaginable rates or quotations. They even scrambled for the possession of a kind of assignat which was supposed to be less subject to sink than its neighbors; this was the assignat of the first issue, which, because it dated from the days of

royalty, and bore upon its face the king's image and superscription, was believed to be certain to retain its value even in the case of a counter-revolution. But the necessity of seeking such investments led naturally to something other than the revival of what we may call legitimate commerce; there followed in the train, speculation of the wildest description. The heart of Paris became the Exchange; and such gambling in gold and silver, and other commodities, occurred there, as we can find a parallel to nowhere, except, perhaps, in Wall-street, New-York.

The part of Nero fiddling over Rome in flames is reäcted in every age; it was so in France during the revolutionary era. There, men grew rich on the misfortunes of their country, and drank deepest of the cup of pleasure when a defeat or some other calamity had filled the heart of the nation with grief; and so it is in America at the present hour. If we are to believe the accounts which reach us through the public press, the number of those who, in New-York and Washington, have become suddenly rich, has never been greater, and at no period has there been, in those cities, so much gayety and display and extravagance as has appeared of late among the contractors and speculators who have become millionaires through the national distress.

It must not, however, be supposed that the price of the assignat tended invariably downwards; on the contrary, it fluctuated just as the price of the greenback does now; and, indeed, at one time it recovered itself so remarkably, that for a very short period it was nearly on a par with specie. The causes of this extraordinary revival were these: in the first place, a forced loan was decreed, by which it was expected so much money would be realized as to allow the administration to withdraw as many as a thousand millions from the paper circulation, and anything that had a tendency to lessen the mass helped so far to enhance its intrinsic value. But what contributed more effectually than this to the end referred to, was the increased stringency with which the laws relating to hoarding were enforced. It was made penal to possess a private store of metals. If any one were discovered with a stock of the contraband commodity in his house, the treasure-trove was seized, and divided

between the government and the informer. It thus became positively dangerous to have gold or silver; and hence a perfect rush was made to get rid of them. They were carried to the frontier, and paid away for foreign goods; they were taken to the public offices, and tendered as payment for taxes; they were even, in some cases, gladly exchanged for the assignat itself. In these ways, specie became for the moment actually abundant; and the result was, as we have said, that paper and coin approximated to each other in value, and were for a little while almost on a par.

But this did not last. The extraordinary demands made on the government for the public service necessitated the constant issue by it of fresh paper. It had twelve hundred thousand men to arm and pay, a matériel to create, and a navy to build; and the taxes did not produce more than a fifth of the monthly expenditure. In these circumstances, their only resource was the printing of new assignats; and when, in the beginning of 1794, the sum-total of all the previous issues was doubled, the note lost its temporary value, and fell back to its former depreciated condition. This, however, might have been borne, if the decline had stopped then; but it went on, and that with accelerated speed. The greenback became more and more worthless. Those who received stated incomes, paid not in coin but in its nominal value in paper, felt themselves growing more and more straitened in their circumstances. The distress, in fact, came to be well-nigh universal, and never had the inventive mind of France a more perplexing problem submitted to it than that how the obviously approaching financial crash was to be averted.

Our readers, who remember on what a solid basis the assignat issues rested, may feel inclined to ask why that basis was not turned to more account. How did it happen that the fifteen thousand millions at which the national real property was valued, came in so slowly? The simple answer is, that purchasers could not be found, owing, no doubt, in part to the scruples and suspicions which were entertained by some as to the propriety and security of the sales; but owing chiefly, there is no question, to this-that few in these times had the means to ex

pend in such extensive investments. Still the people felt that they had wherewithal to meet their obligations, and the inquiry was often made, impatiently enough, if there was no way in which the public domains could be made available to relieve the general distress. In answer to this inquiry, various schemes were suggested. One was, to demonetize the assignats, or a portion of them; that is, to take from them the faculty of free circulation, and make them literally what they were theoretically, mere obligations upon land. But to this proposal it was well replied, that to attempt to carry out such a regulation in the case, for example, of a laboring man, was to insure his starvation. He wants bread, and you give him a piece of earth. His family are in rags, but in place of furnishing him, in return for his work, with what will procure clothes, you make him in mockery a landed proprietor. As long as there was no other circulating medium than the assignat, an expedient like this was out of the question; and the simple rumor that it was in contemplation caused a heavy fall in the price of paper.

A far more feasible scheme than this was to make a virtue of necessity, and sell the domains, not for what they were worth, but for what they would bring. They had been valued in 1790, and it was certainly putting a great temptation in the way of the moneyed public to offer them, in 1795, for three times their then estimated value in assignats; and those who had anything to spare were not slow to take advantage of the opportunity. An estate rated at ten thousand in gold, and worth, therefore, sixty thousand in paper, was offered for thirty thousand in assignats, or for half its real value. Such a bargain was not likely to present itself again. Everybody who could scrape together a bundle of notes became ambitious of attaining to the dignity of a landholder; and if the administration had gone only through with the scheme, the country would certainly have experienced a sensible relief. But after launching the scheme, and receiving many offers, the authorities became suddenly alive to its supposed extravagance, and quashed all the proceedings which had been taken in connection with it.

This straightforward plan of meeting the difficulty being abandoned, all sorts

These

of fanciful proposals were suggested and twenty-four thousand millions.
discussed. Some argued for lotteries,
others for a tontine, others still for a great
land bank; while many urged the adop-
tion of a certain article, of real value
(such as gold or corn), as a standard, and
letting the assignat be treated as any
other common article of merchandise.
Nothing effectual, however, was really
done, and the evil went on increasing.
By the winter of 1795-1796, the issue
of assignats had extended to the enor-
mous sum of forty-five thousand millions;
but twenty thousand millions furnished,
in actual value, scarcely one hundred
millions, for the assignats were not worth
more than the two hundredth part of
their nominal value. The public now
therefore refused to take them. They
could pay for, and purchase nothing; and
the radical step required to be taken of
sweeping them entirely out of the way.
This was done by creating a new species
of paper-money, to which was given a
different name. It does not appear very
clearly how this was to mend matters
satisfactorily; but here is the account of
the revolution as it
appears on the page
of history:

twenty-four thousand millions, reduced
to one thirtieth, represented eight hun-
dred millions; it was decreed that they
should be exchanged for eight hundred
millions in mandats, which was a liqui-
dation of the assignat at one twentieth
of its nominal value."

"A paper was devised, which, by the name of mandats, was to represent a fixed value in land. Every domain was to be delivered, without sale by auction, and upon a mere procès-verbal, for a price in mandats equal to that of 1790. Man

dats to the amount of two thousand four hundred millions were to be created; and domains to the like amount, according to the estimate of 1790, were to be immediately appropriated to them. Thus these mandats could not undergo any other variation than that of the domains themselves, since they represented a fixed quantity of them. It would not thence absolutely result that they should be on a par with money, for the domains were not worth so much as in 1790, but at any rate they must have the same value as the domains. It was resolved to employ part of these mandats to withdraw the assignats. The plate of the assignats was broken upon the 30th of Pluviose; forty-five thousand five hundred millions had been issued. By the different returns, either by means of loans or of arrears, the circulating quantity had been reduced to thirty-six thousand millions, and was soon to be further reduced to

Such is a short history of the first French greenback. It was based on what appeared to be excellent security, but within a very few years it had deteriorated in value so fearfully that in the end it was able to pay only eightpence in the pound; and yet, with all that, it served an important purpose. The monarchy was overturned, the Revolution was accomplished, all Europe was defied, on such means as it furnished. And one can fancy a loyal American saying, while he sadly studies this story, so full of significance for him: "Well, if in the meantime the sinews of war are but furnished in quantities sufficient to restore the Union, I care not although, in the end, a paper dollar should be reckoned dear when offered in exchange for a copper cent."

London Society.

OUR WIDOWED QUEEN.

IN MEMORIAM, DECEMBER XIV., M.DCCC.LXI.

THEY ask me why I weep
And sorrow as I do;
They say my grief should sleep
And memory slumber too.

Who says they sleep not now?
Doth sleep so death-like seem
That people marvel how

A sleeping grief may dream?
My sorrow long ago

In chastened sadness slept;
And mem'ry's flow'rets grow

Where thorns and brambles crept.
And still the fragrant breath
Of roses dead and gone,
Reveals that after death

Their spirit yet lives on.
In dreams they flower at night,

In thoughts they bloom by day;
They have no dread of blight,
They're proof against decay.

I cannot, if I would,

Those thoughts and dreams destroy; I would not, if I could,

Forego their phantom joy

That makes my tears to flow,

And sadly to recall
The spot where here below

I've laid dead flowers and all.

I plead with those who've known
The bitter hour of grief;
That finds in every groan

Some earnest of relief;
Who've lived on year by year,
And learnt the bitter truth
That sorrow sometimes here
Lives on in endless youth.
Oh ye who ask me why

I wear so sad a mien,
And say that I should try

To be in grief a queen,

Alas! there is a power

To which e'en mine must bend;
It rules in that dark hour

When earth-born life must end

For crowns and sceptres yet

Have never held a sway
Could bid the heart forget,
Or make true love decay.

And thou, beloved child,

Oh! never may thy breast
Be racked by anguish wild,

That finds no ark of rest:
A written life of years-
Where, marked on every leaf,
Are spots where scalding tears
Write chronicles of grief.
And you, dear people mine,
Bear with me still, I pray,
And let your hearts incline
To mourn with me this day.
Upon your loyal love

I fain would trusting lean,
And pray that God above

Will guide your widowed queen.

St. James's Magazine.

F. W. B. B.

THE COUNTESS OF ALBANY.

party as well as by the population in general. But he was not allowed to remain for any considerable time undisturbed in his place of retirement. His expulsion from the French territory was made one of the conditions of the treaty of peace in 1748, concluded at Aix-laChapelle. Charles Edward positively refused to leave the country, and much interest in his behalf was made with the government, both by the dauphin and other members of the royal family, to allow him to remain. But the interference was of no avail; the administration proved inexorable. The Pretender was seized in the opera-house on the 11th of December, 1748, conveyed in the first instance to Vincennes, and from thence was sent out of the country. He wandered about the Continent for some time, and it is supposed that he secretly visited London in the year 1750. When subsequently allowed to return again to France, Charles Edward was so dispirited and depressed by his wanderings and misfortunes, that he fell into the habit of intemperance, of which mention is made in one of the dispatches of the British ambassador Stanley, who, writing from Paris in 1761, states that the Pretender was given to drinking to such an excess as to be often drunk in the morning, and carried senseless to his chamber by his attendants.

By the death of his father in 1766 he became titular King of England, but the elevation to the fictitious dignity did in no wise cure him of his inveterate propensity to intoxication; and the French government, seemingly ashamed of their royal guest, drove him in 1770 once more from their soil. In the following year, however, it suited the policy of the French ministry-as a kind of demonstration or menace against Englandto recall the Pretender to the capital of WE doubt very much whether the his- France, and he was informed by the tory of the Countess of Albany, or even Duke of Fitzjames, on behalf of the her name, is generally known to the great French court, that if he would consent mass of the reading public, though she to be married to a wife chosen for him, was so closely connected with the last a pension of 240,000 francs would be scion of the royal House of the Stuarts. settled upon him. Charles Edward made She was the wife of the Pretender, who, no objection to the proposal, and the after his well-known adventures and fail- lady thus chosen was Louise, the daughure in 1745, in the attempted recovery ter of the Prince of Stolberg-Gedern, a of the British crown, took up his resi- member of one of the most ancient and dence in Paris, where he was received distinguished German families, raised to with great distinction, both by the court | the princely rank in the person of his

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