first Presbyterian Inftitutor; and they themselves, like irregular Friers walking contrary to the rule of thir own Foundation, deferve for fo grofs an ignorance and tranfgreffion to be difciplin'd upon thir own Stools. Ŏr had thir reading in Hiftory bin any, which by this we may be confident is none at all, or thir Malice not hightn'd to a blind rage, they never would fo rafhly have thrown the Dice to a palpable discovery of thir ignorance and want of fhame. But wherefore spend we two fuch pretious things as time and reafon upon Priefts, the most prodigal misfpenders of time, and the scarceft owners of reason? 'Tis fufficient we have publish'd our defences, giv'n reasons, giv'n examples of our Juftice done; Books also have bin writt'n to the fame purpose for Men to look on that will; that no Nation under Heav'n but in one age or other hath don the like. The difference only is, which rather seems to us matter of glory, that they for the most part have without Form of Law don the deed by a kind of martial Juftice, we by the deliberat and well-weigh'd Sentence of a legal Judicature.

But they tell us, It was against the intereft and proteftation of the Kingdom of Scotland. And did exceeding well to joyn those two together: hereby informing us what credit or regard need be giv'n in England to a Scotch Proteftation, usher'd in by a Scotch Interest certainly no more then we fee is giv'n in Scotland to an English Declaration, declaring the Intereft of England. If then our intereft move not them, why should theirs move us? If they fay, we are not all England; we reply they are not all Scotland: nay, were the last year fo inconfiderable a part of Scotland as were beholding to this which they now term the Sectarian Army, to defend and refcue them at the charges of England from a ftronger party of thir own Countrymen, in whose esteem they were

no better then Sectarians themselves. But they add, It was against the former Declarations of both Kingdoms, to seize, or proceed against the King. We are certain that no fuch Declarations of both Kingdoms, as derive not thir full force from the fenfe and meaning of the Covnant, can be produc'd.

And if they plead against us the Covnant, To preServe and defend his Perfon; we ask them briefly whether they take the Covnant to be abfolute or conditional? If absolute, then suppose the King to have committed all prodigious Crimes and Impieties against God, or Nature, or whole Nations, he must nevertheless be facred from all violent touch. Which absurd opinion, how it can live in any Mans reason, either natural or rectifi'd, we much marvel: Since God declar'd his anger as impetuous for the faving of King Benhadad, though furrendring himself at mercy, as for the killing of Naboth. If it be conditional, in the preservation and defence of Religion, and the People's Liberty, then certainly to take away his life, being dangerous, and pernicious to both these, was no more a breach of the Covnant, then for the fame reafon at Edinburrow to behead Gordon the Marquefs Huntley. By the fame Covnant we made vow to affift and to defend all those that should enter with us into this League; not absolutely, but in the maintenance and pursuing thereof. If therefore no Man elfe ever were fo mad as to claim from hence an impunity from all Justice, why should any for the King? Whofe Life by other Articles of the fame Covnant was forfet. Nay if common fense had not led us to fuch a clear Interpretation, the Scotch Commiffioners themselves might boast to have bin our first teachers: who when they drew to the malignance which brought forth that perfidious last years irruption against all the bands of Covnant or Chriftian Neighbourhood, making thir hollow Plea

the defence of His Majefties Perfon, they were conftrain'd by thir own guiltinefs to leave out that following morfel that would have choak'd them, the prefervation and defence of true Religion, and our Liberties. And questionless in the prefervation of these, we are bound as well, both by the Covnant, and before the Covnant, to preferve and defend the Perfon of any private Man, and the Perfon and Authority of any inferior Magiftrate: So that this Article, objected with fuch vehemence against us, contains not an exception of the Kings Perfon, and Autority, to do by privilege what wickedness he lift, and be defended, as fom fancy, but an exprefs teftification of our Loyalty; and the plain words without wresting will bear as much, that we had no thoughts against his perfon, or juft power, provided they might confift with the preservation and defence of true Religion and our Liberties. But to these how hazardous his life was, will be needlefs to repeat fo oft'n. It may fuffice that while he was in Cuftody, where we expected his Repentance, his remorfe at laft, and compaffion of all the innocent blood fhed already, and hereafter likely to be shed for his meer wilfulnefs, he made no other use of our continual forbearance, our humbleft Petitions and Obteftations at his feet, but to fit contriving and fomenting new Plots against us, and as his own phrafe was, playing his own Game upon the Miseries of his People: Of which we defire no other view at present then these Articles of Peace with the Rebels, and the rare Game likely to enfue from fuch a cast of his Cards. And then let Men reflect a little upon the flanders and reviles of these wretched Priests, and judg what Modefty, what Truth, what Confcience, what any thing fit for Minifters, or we might say reasonable men, can harbour in them. For what they began in shamelesness and malice, they conclude in frenzy: throwing out a fud

den rapfody of Proverbs quite from the purpose; and with as much comliness as when Saul propheci'd. For cafting off, as he did his Garments, all modefty and meekness wherewith the Language of Minifters ought to be cloath'd, speaking especially to thir fupreme Magistrate, they talk at random of Servants raigning, Servants riding, and wonder how the Earth can bear them. Either thefe men imagin themselves to be marvellously high set and exalted in the Chair of Belfast, to voutfafe the Parlament of England no better ftile then Servants, or else thir high notion, which we rather believe, falls as low as Court-parafitifm; fuppofing all Men to be Servants, but the King. And then all thir pains tak'n to seem so wife in proverbing, serves but to conclude them downright Slaves and the edg of thir own Proverb falls reverse upon themselves. For as Delight is not feemly for Fools, much lefs high Words to come from base Minds. What they are for Ministers, or how they crept into the fold, whether at the Window, or through the Wall, or who fet them there fo haughty in the Pontifical See of Belfast, we know not. this we rather have caufe to wonder if the Earth can bear this unfufferable infolency of upftarts; who from a ground, which is not thir own, dare fend fuch defiance to the fovran Magiftracy of England, by whose autority and in whofe right they inhabit there. By thir actions we might rather judg them to be a generation of High-land Theevs and Red-fhanks, who being neighbourly admitted, not as the Saxons by merit of thir Warfare against our Enemies, but by the courtesy of England to hold poffeffions in our Province, a Country better then thir own, have, with worse Faith then thofe Heathen, prov'd ingrateful

But

and treacherous Guefts to thir beft Friends and Entertainers. And let them take heed, left while thir filence, as to these matters, might have kept them

blameless and secure under thofe proceedings which they fo fear'd to partake in, that thefe thir treafonous attempts and practises have not involv'd them in a far worfe guilt of Rebellion; and (notwithstanding that fair dehortatory from joyning with Malignants) in the appearance of a co-intereft and partaking with the Irish Rebels. Against whom, though by themfelves pronounc'd to be the Enemies of God, they go not out to battel, as they ought, but rather by these thir doings affift and become affociates.