answer of Mr Huskisson. No answer had arrived up to that hour; in an interview which the Duke had with the King, a successor to Mr Huskisson was proposed; and under these circumstances, the Duke returned him his letter unopened, as he thought that it would not be fair to open it, while Mr Huskisson did not know that an interview had taken place, and that his successor had been appointed. This is a kind of delicacy more easily understood, and more difficult to be appreciated than that exhibited by Mr Huskisson in his first letter. It is genuine-the other is spurious-and of all spurious things, spurious delicacy is the most disgusting.

The audience of the King, solicited with such a parade of loyal gratitude, by this reformed Jacobin, was granted-and enjoyed, no doubt, with those feelings peculiar and appropriate to the least enviable situation in which a minister of the crown can be placed, by his own folly and intrigues. His Majesty's gracious favour was, how ever, rich recompense to this disinte rested Patriot for the loss of office, and he is now-no wonder-no doubt -one of the happiest and proudest of men.

He is, we say, one of the proudest of men. Hear him crow. "I hope I have preserved self-approbation, my personal honour, my public character, the support and approbation of my personal and political friends-an untarnished public character!!!" Oh! that Heaven would give us "the gift to see ourselves as others see us!" Then would this person feel the folly of such vaunting; and, brazen-faced as he is, hang down his head beneath the universal contempt and scorn with which it has been assailed all over the empire.

Why, even the often-purchased Whig and Radical Press is mute in his defence. Not a greasy chin wags in behalf of his "untarnished reputation." Untarnished indeed! It is dyed black-so that the spots are not visible. Never was public man sunk so low-so meanly and so basely low. Willing to work for pay under any Ministry even under the men who, in his opinion, murdered his best Friend, his Patron, his Benefactor, his very Maker! Yet, with all his greedy meanness, proud as a piece of red flesh, Beelzebub, or a Turkey Cock. As if

excellent business abilities like his were not the commonest article to be found in a great manufacturing and commercial country! If all clever and acute clerks were to be collected together in Smithfield Market, to the sound of a horn, heavens what a heap of Huskissons in every hurdle !

The praise, however fervent and sincere, which a public character bestows on himself, never impresses us half so much as that which comes, even coldly and reluctantly, from the lips of others. During the whole of these explanations, nobody said a sin◄ gle good word for the ex-colonial Secretary but Mr Huskisson-but he, it must be allowed, laid it on thickover eyes, nose, and mouth, till the object of his panegyric must have been really both blinded and smothered. "Usefully I will not say, but zealous ly I can promise, to attend to the public interests of this great empire, to the utmost of my power, and the best of my ability. Sir, these last best titles and honours to win and wear, is, in this country, fortunately, not the exclusive, the peculiar privilege of any one particular class of the community. There exists here no confederacy of any great families-no array of noble houses, which can deprive me of my fair claim to compete for them. These are my birth-right as an Englishman-not being a Catholic, and in the earnest exercise of that admitted birth-right, I shall still continue, sir, to endeavour to deserve the good opinion of this House, and the approbation of my country." Mr Crabbe, in one of his poems, after indulging himself in a larger dose of description than he generally allows himself-a fine description of a ghost

seems to be suddenly struck with a sense of the absurdity of making use of so many fine words about little or nothing, and breaks off with a line something like the following:"Bah! bother! blarney! what the deuce is this!"

Mr Huskisson might have so ended his peroration with great effect and perfect propriety-for never was there a clumsier edition of Much Ado about Nothing published in that House. Nothing can be more unlike eloquence than such miserable and misapplied commonplaces. A third or fourth rate man, and Mr Huskisson is no more, looks inexpressibly absurd on his legs, be

daubing himself all over with fetid flattery, and playing the Spirit of the Age in the hearing of some hundreds of people who all very well know him to be a capital hand at accounts, but not one of whom would care twopence though he were dead to-morrow. Mr Huskisson, in that inspired fit of self-laudation, stood in that predicament. The House, who knew him to be an able man, was perplexed to hear him braying on this occasion like the creature that chews the thistle. There he stood-for near

ly three hours as we have heard it calculated-visibly and audibly in the wrong-floundering along like a half drunk man in a moss and a mist and often planted up to the middle in a quagmire. All the House smirk ing, smiling, leering, laughing, guf fawing-even like the Blue Parlour in Picardy during a Noctes Ambrosiana-and yet the orator convinced all the while of his "continuing to de serve the good opinion of this House, and the approbation of the country!" It is painful to see a fool publicly expose himself; but pleasant to see a person do so of an entirely different description; and we lost a treat by losing our passage in the James Watt Steamer the week before Mr Huskis son's exposé and exposure.

As Mr Huskisson waxed warm, in deed wroth, towards the conclusion of his harangue, so did he also wax imprudent. The veil of affected mode ration, and humility, and delicacy, and so forth, with which he at first shaded his fair features, fell off, or rather was thrown aside by the impassioned Ex-secretary, and he gave vent, in terms somewhat abusive and Billingsgate, to the rancour which it then appeared must have been long gathering within his bosom. The large pustule, having come to a point, burst, and there was a copious discharge of green and yellow matter. According to his first letter, all was unanimity in the Cabinet.

"Behold how good a thing it is,
And how becoming well,
Together such as brethren are
In unity to dwell!"

Of that perfect unanimity his vote on the question of East Retford was, he tells us, but a seeming disturbance. All was right and tight, like a bundle of sticks-and he himself the band which bound them all infrangibly to

gether; but ere a couple of hours have expired, hear-see how he lets the great big red thundering cat out of the bag-how he hates the aristocracy of England,-how he fears, distrusts, and dislikes the Duke of Wellington!

"I began by stating, sir—and I really am sorry to have been compelled to detain the House at such length that I have not the time, neither is it for me to attempt, to account for the motives which led to my dismissal. With these motives (of which I cannot profess to know anything) I have now nothing to do; but this I will say, formed by the noble Duke who is at the that when the present administration was head of it, I did (contrary to the advice of several of my friends, contrary to the deliberate judgment of many who would have dissuaded me from that step) consent to take a share in that administration. I consented to do so exclusively on public grounds. When I considered that the proposal which was thus made had been made to me jointly with so many of my friends, who had, like myself, held office under the administration then recently dissolved; when I looked to the perfect similarity of opinions and general policy which had so long subsisted between me and the parties to whom I allude; when I reflected that the great executive departments of the state, one of which, indeed, I myself was invested with, were committed to their charge; when I reverted to our former perfect union, cordial co-operation, and good understanding; and when I considered, also, the nature of certain intima

tions which I received at the same timeI did think, sir, that, as a public man, I was bound to continue in the King's service. I felt that by so continuing, jointly with my friends, under the circumstances I have just been referring to, I should find the best chance of following out and establishing those principles, and those mea. sures, of free trade and commercial policy, to which I am known to be attached, and for the full developement and ultimate success of which I have long been so anposed, however, I was blind, in the meanxious. (Hear, hear.) Let it not be supwhile, to the mighty influences which were so actively opposed to those principles let it not be supposed, that after the hostility which had been manifested to those measures that after all that I had experienced, and all that I had witnessed, on this head, for the twelve months then last passed, I was blind to the prejudices which existed against them, or unconsci ous of the antipathies which had been who entertained such views and such opiexcited and encouraged against all men nions-let it not be imagined that I was not aware of all the difficulties which would beset our perseverance in that sys

tem. I did know of them. But as those

influences, powerful as I felt assured they were, and the sway of these prejudices and antipathies, had again become predominant, I did feel, that if a victim to them were required, it were better that that should be the individual advocate than the general principles which he had endeavoured to support. Without these, I believed it would not be long possible to retain that influence and support of the present political connexions of the noble Duke, as we had retained them during the last session of parliament, unless I was to suppose that different views and principles were really to be acted on by that noble person, and that those of which I have spoken, were no longer to form any part of the policy of the new government. But when I look to the-satisfaction (shall I say) with which I must infer that my communication was received; to the incidents which attended, and the result which has followed from it; I do think it must have been considered necessary, in order to pacify the powerful party I have adverted to, that the state of things for which they were anxious should be supported by the removal of the individual whose principles were most opposed to it. (Hear.) I own that it would have been far more satis factory to my feelings if I had been ingenuously told that a necessity for my re signation had arisen out of their apprehensions about those principles, and that policy; that they augured so much danger to the public and to themselves from the views which I espoused, that, short of this, nothing would allay their fears. It would have been far more satisfactory if the noble Duke had said to me: Such are the alarms entertained by the individuals on whose assistance I principally rely for car rying on my administration, that I am obliged, on their account, to act upon the only option which remains to me, by parting with you.' I do say, looking to what was the feeling of certain parties during the last session of parliament, and comparing it with that which seems to be evidenced by the events that have occurred within the last two months; and looking to the very different manner in which circumstances, similar in their nature to some that were then dealt with, have now been taken up, I cannot help thinking that some such sentiment as this has really operated in respect of myself. If I must assume the fact of this resignation as an intima. tion, if not of a reversal, yet of a change of this system of policy, I cannot but regret that this unfortunate two-o'clock-in-the morning letter of mine was written, or that, when it was received, it did not occur (as it might have occurred) to the recollection of some persons, that on an occasion somewhat analogous to this, and which happened not more than two months ago, certain sentiments were uttered upon the

highest authority, which did the individual from whom they proceeded the highest honour."

Here he runs off into some details not very intelligible to us-and most profoundly uninteresting-yet spiced throughout with meanness and malice. Suffice it that we now ask the reader one question-and be he Whig or Tory, to that question he will return but one answer, if an honest man. Is the passage we have now quoted from Mr Huskisson's speech consistent with his assertion, that on writing his first letter to the Duke, he was influenced solely and entirely by an earnest desire to relieve him from the "deli

cacy" of the situation in which, by that unlucky and unavoidable vote, he had unexpectedly been placed? But one answer, we say, can be returned to that question by every honest man. For here is a confession of latent fears and suspicions, and dislikes in his own bosom-towards his colleagues, and the friends and supporters of his colleagues-here is something like the old leaven of Jacobinism, seeking to leaven the whole mass.

But, emboldened by the sound of his own voice, harshly grating on all ears but his own, during so long a pe riod of precious time, (half an hour would have done the business, had his cause been good,) Mr Huskisson lifts up his leg, and exclaims, "Lo! there is the cloven foot-ye Tories - ye enemies of all improvement." Let us hear the blundering blusterer :

"Notwithstanding the many zealous and mutual congratulations which the friends of Tory principles, as they call themselves, which the enemies of all improvement, have so liberally interchanged since my removal-notwithstanding, sir, I say, those ebullitions of zeal, and those oversteppings of prudence, which I have witnessed in some intemperate individuals, who think that the removal from office of those friends of mine, my late colleagues, who are now no longer members of his Majesty's government, is the only adequate apology which the noble Duke can make for ever having at all connected himself with us; and although I find that some of those individuals think it is the best mode of doing honour to the feelings of the noble Duke, (in which action they are most egregiously mistaken,) to say that his best excuse is to be found in the removal of my colleagues all at once-notwithstanding all these ebullitions, and in spite of I know not what to call them-the boisterous fits of mirth of those clubs I should rather

say of those venerable buffoons (cheers) -who congregate once a-year to attempt a fraud on the ignorance of some classes of the people, under pretence of doing honour to the memory of an illustrious statesman-I say, sir, notwithstanding these extravagant expressions of joy now bursting from the same quarters where, but a few days before, all was deep and bitter wailing at the progress which the cause of civil liberty had made in this House, and at the prospect thus opened, so far as a vote of this House could indicate it, of giving religious and political tranquillity to Ire land (hear) notwithstanding these clamorous exultations, these untoward signs of the times, I for one do not think that the triumph of this party is so great, so certain, or so complete, as they are pleased to anticipate (cheers) and I cannot think that my right hon. friend, (Mr Secretary Peel,) who, as far as I know, has never entertained any opinions different from those which I had the honour to advocate in this House, connected with all measures of general policy-the Roman Catholic question alone excepted-I cannot believe that my right hon. friend has abandoned principles to which he has heretofore given his cordial support-I cannot believe that while the feelings of this House and of the country in favour of that general policy remain unchanged, they will sympathize with those exultations, whatever may be the doctrine now about strict discipline (cheers)-I cannot suppose that my right hon. friend will think or believe the substantive power of the State ought to be in powerful, but unknown hands; in the hands of persons who, for reasons which I will not call in question, because I do not know them, and which they who do know them will not divulge, declare that they are not candidates for public honours, and who yet, not being candidates for such honours, attempt to put a veto upon the councils of the country, and endeavour to exclude from those councils such public servants as they happen to disapprove. (Hear.) I cannot imagine that my right hon. friend either believes, or can be taught to believe, that such a party is a more proper tribunal than the House of Commons or the public of England to decide upon the merits or demerits of individuals connected with the executive departments of the state: as little can I believe that he is one of those persons who deem it to be the first duty of the legislature to resist the progress of improvement, and to counteract every attempt to remedy those defects in our ancient institutions, whether existing in our legal tribunals, or in our system of commercial policy, for example, which have grown up in the lapse of ages, and of which public opinion and the exigencies of society demand the removal-I cannot believe that he is one who looks with apprehension at

the spread of knowledge, or contemplates with alarm the extension of a system which shall communicate and reciprocate in all parts of the world the benefits resulting from commercial intercourse, or from the interchange of those improvements which have been for some time past gradually diffusing themselves over all the civilised states of the world-an interchange which involves the surest principles of general advantage with the capability of its widest possible diffusion. (Hear, hear.) I will not think such things of such an individual I will not think so lightly of a man of whose judgment I entertain so high an opinion. I should be indeed passing the foulest libel on him if I were to suppose that he could wish to see England again placed in that political position in which she should occupy but the fifth or sixth station among the nations, or in which she should be again dishonoured by a connexion with, or a dependence on, the Holy Alliance (loud cheers); or if I could imagine that he would think it a cheap price to pay for the support of such prejudices as I speak of the putting down public opinion, the freedom of discussion, the freedom of the press, and all those other moral causes which now operate to the improvement of our common nature and of our political institutions. (Cheers.) I will not believe that my right honourable friend would give the sanction of his support to measures calculated, or at least intended, to restrain the advance of human improvement to impose fetters upon the energy of the human mind-to place it again under the tutelage of superstition or the bondage of ignorance, or that he would oppose those measures of commercial policy which are the best, and safest, and most permanent securities of the prosperity and grandeur of states, without compelling them to have recourse to the more ancient and much more dangerous defences of standing armies. (Hear, hear.) I trust that if such mischievous projects should ever be the views of any party in this country, my right honourable friend would be the first. to repel and discountenance everything of that sort, and in that arduous task I am confident he would at all times receive the support of parliament and the countenance of the British public."

John Lord Eldon called a venerable buffoon, by such a vulgar fellow as William Huskisson! How must the gentlemen of England, spite of all party spirit, despise in disgust the insolent slanderer! As for Mr Peel, we hope, for the sake of his high ho nour and his high talents, that he scorns the insidious eulogy thus spitefully spat upon him; and certainly, though in some few parts rather too

mild and mawkish, his speech in reply to Huskisson was most triumphant. Huskisson seems to think the powers of a Minister far greater than they ever were in his hands, and that Secretaries, Home, Foreign, and Colonial, can place Britain as low down as they choose in the scale of nations. He cautions Mr Peel not to reduce her to the fifth or sixth order. That is childish folly, and impertinence. Britain will take too good care of herself, in the midst of all imaginable mismanagement, to suffer any minister, or set of ministers, to class her among the junior optimes-to place the wooden spoon in her mouth. To any man, who will tell us what this brawler means, by hoping that Mr Peel will not put down public opinion, and destroy the liberty of the press, and stop the march of intellect, and all those other moral causes which now operate to the improvement of our common nature and of our political institutions, we here come under a solemn engagement in the face of Europe to give, on the arrival of the first month with an R in it, a bushel of Powldoodies.

Mr Peel is in all things Mr Huskisson's superior. Were the world all at once to be darkened, Mr Peel would feel exceedingly uncomfortable, and call for lights. Mr Peel knows well, and much delights in a thousand

things, of which Mr Huskisson knows no more than a Bat knows of rainbows. Mr Huskisson, therefore, should not give his advice till it is asked for; Mr Peel is no patient of his, and needs not powders; to attempt thrusting medicine down a man's throat, who, the quack himself admits, is, for the time being, in good health, is, though Mr Huskisson be no Catholic, a work of absurd and insolent supererogation. That is not a privilege, or birth-right of his, by any manner of means; there certainly are confederacies of noble families in Great Britain to prevent that; and the aristocracy of the country will not endure such practices at the hands of any Jacobin that ever wore a red cap, or applied his feeling finger, with a well-satisfied grin, to the fine edge of a guillotine.

Mr Huskisson concluded his long and windy harangue, by declaring his belief that "he has not incurred the displeasure of his Sovereign, nor placed himself in any situation to stain the fair character which he hopes he has always maintained in this House." He is grossly mistaken his Sovereign cannot but have been displeased by his most suspicious resignation; the House cares little about him; and he knows that the whole country is rejoiced that he is out of the Government.

VOL. XXIV.