been properly performed, and with good materials. Without dwel ling much on the practice which, it is said, has prevailed of making regular presents to the Overseer, at the payment of the several bills to which he has certified, and at the launching of the ship, how, let me ask the Merchant-builders, can they in their conscience throw the responsibility of insufficient or improper work on an Overseer, who per-` haps has half a dozen ships to attend to at the same time, besides having to send the Navy Board a weekly statement of all the works performed?' On behalf of the late Board, it is observed by the same writer: That the most exaggerated accounts which have been received of the enemy's preparations, state them to consist of 48 sail of the line, 37 frigates, 22 corvettes, 4 praames (or sloops of war), 120 gunbrigs of the first class, carrying each 6 guns, and 2115 gun-boats, schuyts, and boats and vessels of every sort or description; to oppose which there were, on the day the late Admiralty retired, 88 sail of the line, 15 fifties, 125 frigates, 92 sloops, 18 bombs, 40 gun-brigs of 12 guns each, 6 gun-boats, 82 cutters and schooners, 4 armed ships, and 997 boats armed with guns, on the coast, besides 5 sail of the line, fifty, 4 frigates, and 3 sloops, which will be ready to commission in the month of June. This statement includes, as well the enemy's as our own force in every part of the world; but as the general attention of the country has been directed to the threatened invasion, I shall state the force which the enemy is said to have prepared for that purpose, and also that which the late Board of Admiralty had allotted to oppose it. From the Texel to Havre de-Grace the enemy's preparations are said to consist of 5 sail of the line, 6 frigates, 6 corvettes, 4 praames, 10 gun-brigs of 6 guns, and 2115 gun boats, schuyts, and other boats and vessels; to oppose which there were, under the command of Lord Keith and Sir James Saumarez, 21 fail of the line, 7 fifties, 36 frigates, 30 sloops, 12 bombs, 29 gun-brigs of 12 guns each, 41 cutters and schooners, and 19 armed ships, independent of 925 boats and craft armed with guns, on the Coast, in the Channel, and in the rivers Thames and Medway.' From the best attention which we have been able to pay to this controversy, it appears to us that the charges advanced against the late Board of Admiralty were in a great degree groundless; and that the clamour against it was principally raised and sustained by those whose delinquencies and corrupt conduct it had exposed. Jo. MONTHLY MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For OCTOBER, 1804. POLITICS. Art. 15. An Answer to Lord Sheffield's Pamphlet on the Subject of the In the notice which we took of Lord Sheffield's pamphlet, in our Number for June last, we expressed our opinion that some of the obser vations and facts contained in it merited discussion; and this they have received in the pages before us, from a very intelligent, able, and perspicuous writer. Mr. Cock has fully satisfied us that the alarm raised by the noble author was without foundation, and that all his apprehensions were groundless. The navigation act has been considered as a measure in no respect unworthy of the vigorous and comprehensive mind of the bold ruler with whom it originated: it was re-enacted on the restoration; our naval power and prosperity com"menced and grew up with it; and we regarded it therefore as proper to concede to the noble Lord, that a regulation, so circumstanced, was not lightly to be abrogated. On the other hand, the assent, which we have ever given to the principles of the school of Dr. Adam Smith, would not allow of our being superstitious adherents to the statute which was so much the object of Lord Sheffield's veneration. The design of the navigation act, says Mr. Cock, was the prosperity of our trade, and the increase of our seamen; and if the late enactments do not interfere with those purposes, the advocate of that antient law has no right to complain of them, though they may in certain circumstances supersede or confine its operation. He shews that the effect of the acts censured by the noble Lord has been to increase very considerably the quantum of our imports and exports, to call forth a great sum of additional productive labour, and consequently to increase the mass of our wealth; while they placed a greater number of our mariners at the disposal of Government, and thus materially contributed to our naval superiority. In this manner, he says, have operated those acts of the Legislature, which have dispensed with the restraints imposed by the laws of Cromwell and of Charles II., and which have allowed the use of neutral bottoms. Under the in fluence of the same measures, our commerce and our shipping obtained a rapid, regular, and successive increase. Not only were we able to enrich ourselves by disposing of such commodities as we had to spare, and to serve our convenience by procuring such as we wanted, but commercial men derived the important advantage of preserving their customers in the hostile countries, and of preventing the trade from changing hands. Mr. Mr. Cock observes that, by the navigation-act, it was not neces Bary that a ship should be British built; it was only required that it should belong to the people of Great Britain, be navigated by a British commander, and by mariners, three-fourths of whom were British subjects: but, by Lord Liverpool's act, the vessel must be British built. The author gives no opinion on the policy of this restriction; and we regret that he has not, since he is possessed of that information and judgment which stamp value on whatever he advances. He says that by law a British ship taken by the enemy, if, after having been tried and condemned in his ports, it ever again comes to the hands of a British subject, by a sort of jus postliminii becomes entitled to British privileges, that is to registry; and this is the cause of most of our captured vessels finding their way back again. Mr. C. condemns this regulation, as being a premium on the capture of British vessels. Lord S. complained that America was allowed to supply our West India islands with provisions. It is answered by Mr. C. that the planters are thus furnished at a much cheaper rate, than they could be if they drew their supplies from Great Britain; and that their activity and their wealth are thus increased, in which the mothercountry, where they for the most part reside, has an interest. If, he farther observes, this trade increases the shipping of the United States, the augmentation takes place in a quarter of which we need be the least jealous. In noticing the noble Lord's objections to permission given to the Americans to trade with India, the author remarks that, as the East India Company possess the command of all the articles which they deem expedient for their own trade, they cannot be injured by the traffic carried on by the United States in those commodities with which they do not chuse to deal. There is no reason why the Company should view this trade invidiously, since it enriches their Indian colonies: but why this traffic should be allowed to the subjects of a foreign state, to the exclusion of those of Great Britain, is a measure of which the good sense and sound judgment of Mr. C. lead him to decline the defence. If prejudice, authority, and antient usage may be pleaded by Lord Sheffield, the present author may reply in the words of an eminent judge of human transactions; Comunque se sia io non giudicho, nè giu dichero, mai esser difetto difendere alcuni opi nioni con le ragioni senza volervi usare o l'autorità, o la forza." Art. 16. An Inquiry into the Causes of Popular Discontents in Ireland. By an Irish Country Gentleman. 8vo. 2S. Wallis. 1804. It appears to us that the whole Empire ought to be not less for ward than Ireland, in calling on the authors of the Union to realize, in that country, the blessings which it was foretold would result from her adoption: but it was not to be expected that Mr. Addington should take a very active part in this most important business; since he, it "However it be, I do not think, and never shall think, that it is wrong to defend opinions by reason, without having recourse to authority, or force." Jo. is supposed, came into power on the express condition of opposing the extension of toleration. We must, however, be allowed to observe that this gentleman, in the speech which he made in favour of the above measure, quoted with approbation, and in appearance adopted, the sentiment of Dr.Duigenan, that the Catholics might be emancipated in case the two legislatures were incorporated. The present Minister, who on the same occasion was more than usually lavish of promises, was lately, it is understood, re-admitted into office only on the condition of abandoning his engagements to the Catholics. The so much vaunted benefits of the Union, therefore, have hitherto amounted solely to a great accession of influence to the existing Minister, in transacting the affairs as well of Great Britain as of the Empire, in parliament, and to stripping Ireland of its legislature. It will, we presume, be reserved for the opponents of that great measure to render it that which we have all along believed it very capable of being made, namely a blessing to the sister island, and an augmentation of strength to Britain.-In the present elaborate tract, the author contends that good policy, not less than the essential interests of Ireland, require that its parliament should be restored to that country Though an avowed enemy to the existing legislative union, which it must be owned he combats with considerable force, he is very anxious to profess his attachment to British connection. He argues strenuously in favour of catholic emancipation, and ably labours the point that persecution is the preserving principle of sects. It is this, he tells us, which keeps together the catholic body; the young members of which, who are possessed of property, being for the most part Deists, still adhere to their communion from motives of honor and generosity, in order to shun the charge of deserting a slighted and oppressed party. The author recommends the commutation of tithes, and the gift of salaries to the Romish clergy; and he complains of the Government lending its countenance to commemorations and associations which foster bigotry, and keep up an intolerant spirit. This is the production of a very enlightened mind, and contains many passages highly worthy of the attention of public men. Jo. Art. 17. Observations and Reflections on the State of Ireland: respect < fully submitted to the Consideration of the British Nation. By Robert Stearne Tighe, Esq. F. R. S. and S. A. 8vo. Hatchard. 1804. 2s. 6d. Another warm advocate for poor Hibernia. Though not wanting in zeal, however, this writer exceeds all his fellow-labourers in temper and moderation; and he places great reliance on the pledges given to the Catholics by our Premier, of which he very respectfully reminds him. This pamphlet shews, indeed, that the several parties in our se nate stand pledged to ameliorate the lot of ill-fated Ireland, yet still party succeeds party in office, and nothing has been done for the sons of Erin since the too short administration of Mr. Fox. In the same becoming spirit, Mr. Tighe animadverts on the sentiments of the Irish Lord Chancellor, as displayed in his memorable correspondence with Lord Fingal: he demonstrates the impolicy of them, and shews their total want of foundation. He enters into a vindication of Dr. Troy, the the catholic archbishop, and furnishes extracts from the pastoral charges of that reverend prelate, which bespeak the pious man and the loyal subject. We learn that the expression in the consecration oath of the catholic bishops, "Hereticos persequer et impugnabo," having been deemed offensive by the heads of the protestant church, was, at the representation of the catholic bishops, expunged by order of the Pope; and that his holiness also directed that a clause expressly reserving their allegiance to the Crown should be-introduced, couched in the terms approved by the Empress of Russia' for the Roman Catholic prelates of that empire. Jo. Art. 18. Considerations on the two-fold Mode of Election adopted by the French. By the Rev. Christopher Wyvill. 8vo. pp. 40. 1s. 6d. Johnson. 1804. We are persuaded that the highly respectable author of this pamphlet is influenced by the most pure motives in all that he does; we admit also that his pen is ever guided by a dispassionate spirit, and always furnishes valuable instruction: but we are at the same time obliged to state that in these pages he censures more freely, and commends more lavishly, than on any former occasion. The colouring in the sketch which he draws of our Premier is certainly strong; whether it be or be not warranted, we submit to the decision of more qualified judges. Enumerating the cause of the decay of public spirit among us, he adds that, in the latter part of the reign of the King, the most potent bane to public virtue has been administered by a man, once its professed and devoted friend; after, that, too strongly tempted to govern by other maxims than those of liberty, by other motives than those of patriotie zeal; who by profusion acquired an almost boundless influence, and who by the arts of delusion, or the rigours of a system of terror and coercion, misled or intimidated those whom he failed to influence.' The Minister comes again under the author's lash, when he com pares the system recommended by his great rival on the political stage, with that which has been pursued: The first tends to elevate the general character of the community, the other to depress it. The first would preserve the Constitution in all its branches, by removing acknowledged abuses, restoring authority to the Bill of Rights, and conciliating to the King and nobles the support of the people from their love; the other would preserve the monarchy and the nobles by supporting abuses, infringing the Bill of Rights, maintaining the precedent he had introduced, and forcing the people to bow to the Constitution, unreformed, from fear.' We give no opinion on these judgments; the person who pronounces them is a character justly held in veneration; and the public, we conceive, have an interest in learning his sentiments concerning men as well as measures. Mr. Wyvill observes that, in these changeable times, it is not impossible that the nation may take a turn favourable to reform; and that the demand may be preferred in a way which cannot fail of sucIn order to prevent what he conceives to be a material error cess. from |