brought to Milan, and treated with great honour and courtesy. Presents of horses and armour were made him, and he was constituted governor with great promises. Accordingly Prospero, having assembled one hundred and twenty squadrons of tried veterans and four troops of horse, came to Buzalla, attended by Robert San Severino, who was made general, the brothers of duke Galeazzo, Gian Giacomo Trivulcio, and Pier Franco Visconti, with a great part of the Lombard nobility, well armed and mounted. They assembled in the valley of Pozzevera, near to the sea. Carlo Adorno being in the castle, the people ran to him for advice and succour, and they put themselves in order for conflict. At length Prospero, after a battle in which he had the victory, entered the city, and caused it to be published that he pardoned all who had committed any offence, or had borne arms against him, up to that time. The following day the senate being assembled, the letter from the chiefs of Milan was read, by which Prospero was declared governor. Thus was he brought back by aid of foreign arms, and by a victory over the citizens. A new council was formed at his instance, by which six thousand ducats were voted to the captains who assisted at this undertaking. But, soon after, hearing that he was held in suspicion by Lodovico, ruler of Milan, who sought by wiles to deprive him of the government, he raised the people in arms to strike for their liberty, and compelled the Milanese garrison, with the commander newly sent from Milan, to retire within the fortress of the city. He also began to treat clandestinely with Ferdinand king of Naples, to the end that he might effect the destruction of the Milanese state. The design and the circumstances pleased the king, and he sent to Prospero two galleys, with a large sum of money. As soon however as these transactions became known at Milan, they sent the bishop of Como to remove him from the government. The bishop came by night in disguise, assembled the senate in S. Siro, but already the people, with Prospero at their head, were in great commotion. With the bishop were many of the magnates and nobles of the land, and the letters of the duke were read de priving Prospero of his dignity, and appointing the prelate in his place. But the execution of this decree was deferred, as force was necessary to seize upon the palace, and the people were already in arms for their liberties. Prospero was accordingly made governor of the Genoese in place of being merely the lieutenant of the Duke of Milan, and he appointed Robert San Severino captain of the forces, and the King of Naples granted him his assistance. But the usual unfortunate result followed-the envy of rival factions, which seemed better pleased with the dominion of the foreigner than of a rival house. So the Fregosi again bestirred themselves to pull down Prospero from his acquired dignity. Accordingly another rising of the city took place, and Battista Fregoso entered it with the design of driving out the Adorni; but Prospero, defending the palace with a body of foreign troops, opposed his kinsmen Agostino and Giovanni to the Fregosi, with whom a fight was maintained in the street direct from the gate of the Vacca as far as the ditch, and the Adorni were victors, and expelled the inimical faction. Thirteen of these were taken prisoners and conducted before Prospero, who, against all laws of humanity, ordered them to be immediately hung up, to the universal hatred and disgust of all parties, and the result of which he was soon to feel in his own person, for in a few days he was abandoned by almost every one. The Fregosi took advantage of the public odium, and, eager to avenge their murdered kinsmen or followers, they occupied the city; and Prospero, giving up the ducal palace, was hastening away towards the gate of St. Thomas, when he was assailed and put to flight, and such was his danger that he had scarcely time to take refuge in one of the royal galleys, and was even compelled to leap into the sea, all dressed as he was. This terminated the career of Prospero Adorno, who probably died an exile at the court of Naples. The fate and fortunes of Prospero Adorno are precisely those on which to build a romantic fiction: and the analogy with the Prospero of "The Tempest" is sufficiently close for such a purpose. Prospero Adorno is politically associated with Alonso king of Naples and his son Ferdinand; and Shakspere makes Antonio, the brother of Prospero, to confederate with the King of Naples, To give him tribute, do him homage, Subject his coronet to his crown; a species of intrigue the above pages show to have been too common in the history of Genoa. But the catastrophe by which Prospero was "hurried aboard a bark," as he tells Miranda, is as close to Prospero Adorno's fate as poetical verity could desire. The lines run thus: In few, they hurried us aboard a bark, Bore us some leagues to sea. Even the substitution of Milan for Genoa is not so wide off, for it is seen Genoa was at best but a dependency, and so completely in the power of the Milanese rulers as scarcely to be worthy of a separate political existence. At all events, the history presented many suggestions for the poet's mind, and it is not necessary to bind him to accuracy of detail in such a magnificent flight of imagination as the play of "The Tempest." The poet's Prospero is a very different man from the Adorno; the latter is essentially an intriguer without any real patriotism, but what served his own end; and his career terminates through an act of bloodshed which shocked even those accustomed to the violent atrocities of Italian partisan warfare. Shakspere's hero is not a perfect ruler, but his neglect of government is caused by too much trust in his brother, to whom he committed the power, whilst he was Adorno was a type of the Italian ruler rapt in secret studies;" but Prospero 66 of his age. J. G. WALLER. ORIGINAL LETTER OF MAJOR PATRICK FERGUSON. WE have the pleasure to lay before our readers an original Letter of the chivalrous Major Patrick Ferguson, who was slain in the American war, and which describes his exertions in the service of the Royalist cause at a period only a few weeks before his fall. This gallant young officer is the subject of a biographical memoir which was privately printed in the year 1817, having been written by Dr. Adam Ferguson for the Encyclopedia Britannica, but omitted from that work on account of its length.* Lieut.-Colonel Ferguson (for that rank had been conferred upon him shortly before his death, though Lord Cornwallis on the same occasion styles him as Major only), was the second son of James Ferguson, esq. of Pitfour, one of the senators of the College of Justice and Lords Commissioners of Justiciary in Scotland, by Anne Mur ray, daughter of Alexander Lord Elibank; and, with this descent, he fortunately united in his own character the calm judgment and exalted abilities of his father with the vivacity and genius of his mother's family. He was born in the year 1744, and his first commission was purchased for him at the age of fourteen in the Royal North British Dragoons. He gave, while yet a boy, many striking proofs of sensibility to the military character, and of his spirit in supporting it. Among other matters, the Memoir contains a detailed account of his invention of a new species of rifle, which could be loaded at the breach without the use of a rammer, and in such quick succession as to fire seven times in a minute. A trial of this rifle took place before the King at Windsor. On the "dispute" with our American colonies Ferguson wished to be em The title is as follows:-" Biographical Sketch or Memoir of Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Ferguson: originally intended for the British Encyclopedia. By Adam Ferguson, LL.D. Author of the History of the Roman Republic. Essay on Civil Society, Principles of Moral Philosophy, &c. Edinburgh: printed by John Moir, Royal Bank Close. 1817." Pp. 36. The present representative of the family, Rear-Admiral Ferguson, informs us that the materials for this memoir were furnished by the relatives of the Major, who always entertained a grateful sense of Dr. Ferguson's kindness in writing the sketch. Though of the same name, Ferguson belonged to a different branch. ployed in the armaments which were then being prepared, and he was accordingly indulged with instructions to the commander-in-chief to have a of volunteers draughted from the corps regiments on the American service, which were to be armed in his own way, and put under his command. This commission was peculiarly agreeable to him, and he gave very soon a signal specimen of service at the battle of Brandywine under Knyphausen. The reports of the general and of the adjutant-general fully and generously acknowleged his merit, and somewhat painful is the record of the "pique of Sir William Howe. At this period a peculiarly interesting incident occurred to Ferguson with relation to Washington, and which (as we believe it has not been noticed by the biographers of the illustrious President) we shall here extract. While he lay with a part of his riflemen on the skirts of a wood, in the front of General Knyphausen's division of the army, the following circumstances happened, which he relates in a letter to a friend : : We had not lain long (he says) when a rebel officer, remarkable by a Hussar dress, passed towards our army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was followed by another dressed in dark green, or blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkably large cocked hat. I ordered three good shots to steal near to them, and fire at them; but the idea disgusted me. I recalled the order. The Hussar on returning made a circuit, but the other passed again within a hundred yards of us, upon which I ad. vanced from the wood towards him. On my calling, he stopped; but after looking at me proceeded. I again drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling my piece at him, but he slowly continued his way. As I was within the distance at which in the quickest firing I could have lodged half a dozen of balls in or about him before he was out of my reach, I had only to determine; but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an Memoir, pp. 16, 17. unoffending individual, who was acquitting himself very coolly of his duty; so I let him alone. The day after, I had been telling this story to some wounded officers who lay in the same room with me, when ing the wounded rebel officers, came in one of our surgeons, who had been dressand told us, that General Washington was all the morning with the light troops, and only attended by a French officer in a Hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted in every point as above described. I am not sorry that I did not know at the time who it was.* Nor is this the only record of Ferguson's considerate generosity. In his despatch concerning the action at "Little Egg Harbour," addressed to Sir Henry Clinton, he says in a postscript We had an opportunity of destroying part of the baggage and equipage of Palaski's legion by burning their quarters; but, as the houses belonged to some inoffensive Quakers, who, I am afraid, may have sufficiently suffered already in the confusion of a night's scramble, I know, sir, you will think with us, that the injury to be thereby done to the enemy would not have compensated for the sufferings of these innocent people.-P. 23. With these prefatory remarks and extracts from the memoir, we now introduce the original letter. It is addressed to Dr. Ferguson, who had recently returned home from America, after officiating as secretary to the commissioners sent to "treat" with the American [so called] rebels.† Cambden, Aug. 28, 1780. D[ea]r Sir, I congratulate you sincerely upon Lord Cornwallis ['s] glorious success. The rebels, by a very unexpected and surprising exertion, have been able to march into this country a numerous, well provided army: and [with] Gates at their head [they] marched on the 16th to attack Lord Cornwallis at Cambden, who judging his [i. e. Gates's] purpose, very wisely marched the same evening to attack him the advanced guards met in the dark, and next morning by a vigorous + See Life of Ferguson in Chambers's "Eminent Scotsmen." Bancroft: Mahon : Holmes. The following selected extracts from Holmes's excellent "Annals of America" (2 vols. 8vo. 1829) elucidate this paragraph. Holmes relates that on the 27th of July the American army "was joined by General Gates, who, taking the chief command, advanced by the main road toward Camden; and after a tedious march through a country of pine barrens, sand-hills, and swamps, reached Clermont. At this place, application of the bayonet a total route [i. e. rout] and dissolution of the rebel army ensued. By the rebel returns their numbers were above 6,000: * ours, by sickness, reduced to 1,500 (1,000 men being in the hospital at Cambden): above 2,000 of the enemy were killed or taken : all their artillery (and brasses peices (sic), and six others since, that were in their rear) and ammunition, 3,000 stand of arms, all their baggage, tents, and stores in 150 waggons: their general [s] kear'd [i. e. skulked] off two days after 150 miles from this, accompanied only by two three horses ment and his men skulking off by dozens and willingly surrendering their arms to the country people.+ The 2d day after the action the gallant and fortunate Tarleton overtook Gene[ra] Sumpter, who had been detached with 600 excellent militia, 200 continentals, and two brass field pieces, to prevent Lord Cornwallis from escaping across the Wateree, so sure were they. Tarleton brought in 350 of Sumpter's men prisoners, with the cannon, 40 waggons, 300 horses, and 200 of our prisoners whom he relieved, cut up 150, and totally dispersed the rest. § On our side towards 96 [i. e. a district so named] I have been employed in forming the Loyal Militia, not without success: and am now going upon service with a detachment of them. From having been kept under by the rebels, and from having avoided serving with them from principle, they are rather diffident, whilst their enemies are tolerably warlike. It has been my endeavour to establish order and discipline, and to give them confidence. Unfortunately from the accident of being overmatched and rather surprised upon two or three detachments, their diffidence has not been lessened. Whilst I have been with them they have met with no mortification; and, if I can avoid receiving an attack, and have an opportunity of pitting them fairly, I have little doubt that they will disappoint the opinion of the army, who, fortunately for me, hold all militia extremely cheap. I thirteen miles from Camden, General Stephens arrived the next day with a large body of Virginia militia. The American army now amounted to 3,663. Lord Rawdon, who had the principal command of the British troops on the frontiers of Carolina, had concentrated his forces at Camden, to which place Earl Cornwallis hastened on the approach of Gates, and arrived there on the 14th of August. At ten in the evening of the 15th [should be 16th, supra] his lordship marched from Camden with his whole force, consisting of 1,700 infantry and 300 cavalry, with the intention of attacking the Americans in their camp at Clermont; and nearly at the same time, Gates, after ordering his baggage to the Waxhaws, put his army in motion to take a position about seven miles from Camden. As the two armies were marching on the same road, in opposite directions, their advanced guards met and fired on each other, about half-past two in the morning."-Holmes, vol. ii. p. 310. Holmes, supra, makes them 3,663, and of this number he states "900 only were continental [?] infantry, and 70 cavalry," p. 310. Mr. Holmes betrays a patriotic weakness in giving the minimum of the "American" troops, while he never fails to state the maximum of the British. In the present instance unquestionably he is far within the mark, though possibly Major Ferguson exceeds it. † i. e. horsemen, as "brasses peices," for brazen pieces, antea. We must bear in mind that this is an ex parte statement, tinged accordingly. Gates was hardly a man to "skulk" thus. But see Holmes for an account of the losses, &c. The Baron de Kalle was among the slain, a brave and able officer. to whose memory Congress erected a monument in Annapolis. General Rutherford also fell; and many other officers.-Holmes: Gordon. § Holmes (p. 312) elucidates this passage:-"General Sumpter [Aug. 18] having taken a small fort, and a strong detachment going up with stores for the British troops at Camden, hearing of General Gates's defeat, was retreating up the south side of the Wateree with his prisoners and the stores. Colonel Tarleton, detached by Lord Corn wallis with his legion and a body of infantry, in pursuit of him, overtook him on Hisling Creek, near Catawba Ford, and completely surprised him. The greatest part of his troops fled to the river; some were killed and wounded, and others taken. His whole party was dispersed, the British prisoners, about 300, were retaken [200 supra], and all the stores conducted to Camden. General Sumpter lost all artillery"—which, as above stated, amounted only to two pieces. See also Moultrie's Memoirs, ii. 235; Ramsay, Hist. South Carolina, i. 364. Holmes admits that "the number of men with General Sumpter at the Wateree was 600 or 700," while "Colonel Tarleton's loss was only nine men killed and six wounded," p. 312, note. Sumpter was a patriotic, daring, skilful officer; and it is very interesting to trace his energetic career by help of Holmes. Holmes remarks:-" It had been the policy of the British, since the general submission of the inhabitants of South Carolina, to increase the royal force by embodying GENT. MAG. VOL. XL. S have been in the field these three months with the new militia of 96 district in covering the frontier, and during that petty service have, by convincing them from experience of the necessity of discipline and of acting together, got them heartily to agree to every necessary regulation to enforce obedience. There are in that district from 4,000 to 5,000 militia of all ages truly loyal, and near 3,000 men under forty, either bachelors or having small families, who would double the numbers of our army, and increase our resources and command of the country tenfold; and [they] improve so much upon service as [that] when [they] are [shall be] mixed with the home militia to give us in the province a disciplined, confident army, to be ever after garrison without pay. Unfortunately from the behaviour of some militia formed in a disaffected part of Pedee [?], without the assistance of one officer, and brought upon service without the least organisation, the army has received an impression that no militia is good for anything. Lord Cornwallis has been pleased, by a letter of the 5th, to express himself in such a manner respecting the little opportunity I have had of showing my diligence, that I should be very unworthy of the honour he does me were I not to avail myself of it with you. His words are," He (Col. Balfour) has likewise informed me of your indefatigable exertions to put the militia of that district into a respectable situation, and of the success with which your labour has been attended. I beg you will accept my warmest acknowledgments for the very important services which you have rendered to your country." I will also take this opportunity of transcribing a part of the orders given out upon the surrender of Charlestown which relate to me: "To Major Ferguson the General acknowledges himself much indebted for his great activity and good services, and particularly for the useful application of his talents in field fortification." These are, I think, the words, which I assure you came upon me very much by surprise, as well as the above from Lord Cornwallis, neither of which I am conscious of having had an opportunity of deserving. As to laurels, a man must be on horseback and mounted like the winds to overtake them in this country. Tarleton has the only opportunity, and well has he availed himself of it.-Yours, faithfully, PAT. FERGUSON. Doctor Ferguson. Only one month (or little more) after the date of this letter, Major Ferguson fell in the action at King's Mountain, which is thus described by Holmes : They [the American troops] came up with the enemy at King's Mountain [Oct. 7, 1780], where Ferguson, on finding that he should be overtaken, had chosen his ground, and waited for an attack. The Americans formed themselves into three divisions, led by Colonels Campbell, Shelley, and Cleaveland, and began to ascend the mountain in three different and opposite directions. Ferguson, falling with great boldness and impetuosity on the first assailants with fixed bayonets, compelled them to give way: but before one division could be dispersed another came up, and poured in a heavy fire. Against the second body of assailants the bayonet was again used with success; but, before any material advantage could be gained, a new enemy presented himself in another quarter. Ferguson again successfully used the bayonet; but, both the corps which had been repulsed now returning to the charge, a very galling fire was kept up against him on all sides. The action having been continued in this manner nearly an hour, Major Ferguson received a mortal wound, and instantly expired.* On the fall of Ferguson, De Peyster, second in command, hoisted a flag as a signal of surrender. The firing immediately ceased, and the Loyalist troops, laying down their arms, the most of which were loaded, submitted to the enemy. Lord Cornwallis, in a the people of the country as a British militia. In the district of Ninety-Six, Major Ferguson, a partizan (sic) of distinguished merit, had been employed to train the most loyal inhabitants, and to attach them to his own corps. That officer was now directed by Lord Cornwallis to enter the western part of North Carolina, near the mountains, and to embody the Loyalists in that quarter for co-operation with his army."-Annals of America, vol. ii. p. 313. * Holmes, vol. ii. pp. 313, 314. + See Lorenzo Sabine's Loyalists voce De Peyster; and Holmes, p. 314.-It may be interesting to our readers to be told that this "second in command was the sub. sequently "honor'd Colonel" of the Gentlemen Volunteers of Dumfries, of the poems of Robert Burns: My honoured Colonel, deep I feel |
