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them with the 19th and 25th* dragoons, and the 1st and 2nd regiments of cavalry, and drove them before me till they dispersed, and were scattered over the face of the country. I then returned and attacked the royal camp, and got possession of elephants, camels, baggage, &c. &c., which were still upon the ground. The Mogul and Mahratta cavalry came up about eleven o'clock ; and they have been employed ever since in the pursuit and destruction of the scattered fragments of the victorious army.
“ Thus has ended this warfare ; and I shall commence my march in a day or two towards my own country. An honest killadar of Chinnoor had written to the King of the World by a regular tappal, established for the purpose of giving him intelligence, that I was to be at Nowly on the 8th, and at Chinnoor on the 9th. His Majesty was misled by this information, and was nearer me than he expected. The honest killadar did all he could to detain me at Chinnoor, but I was not to be prevailed upon to stop, and even went so far as to threaten to hang a great man sent to show me the road, who manifested an inclination to show me a good road to a different place. My own and the Mahratta cavalry afterwards prevented any communication between his Majesty and the killadar.
“ The brinjarry bags must be filled, notwithstanding the conclusion of the war, as I imagine that I shall have to carry on one in Malabar.
s Believe me," &c.
In the interest of the preceding let does so much honour to the writer, and ters will be found ample apology for shows so clearly the high estimate he. the space we have devoted to them. formed of the importance of the operOn their contents it is unnecessary to ations against Dhoondiah, and the offer any observations. The following brilliance of the victory in which they extract of a letter, however, from Ma- terminated, that we insert it as a fit. jor (afterwards Sir Thomas) Munro, ting termination to the present article.
• To Colonel Wellesley.
* Dear COLONEL,
Barkoor, 220 Sep. 1800. I am so rejoiced to hear of the decisive and glorious manner in which you have terminated the career of the King of the World, that I can hardly sit still to write ; I lose half the pleasure of it by being alone in a tent at a distance from all my countrymen. On such an occasion one ought to be in a crowd, to see how every one looks and talks. I did not suspect when I left you in the Tappore, past two years ago, that you were so soon after to be charging along the Kistna and Toombuddra, murdering and drowning Assophs and Nabobs, and killing the King of the World himself. You have given us a very proper afterpiece to the death of the Sultan. A campaign of two months finished his empire, and one of the same duration has put an end to the earthly grandeur, at least, of the Sovereign of the Two Worlds. Had you and your regicide army been out of the way, Dhoondiah would undoubtedly have become an independent and powerful prince, and the founder of a new dynastry of cruel and treacherous Sultans, but Heaven had otherwise ordained, and we must submit."
Afterwards the 22nd light dragoong,
LUCIEN BONAPARTE, PRINCE OF CANINO, AND FRIEDRICH VON RAUMER, PROFES
SOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, AT BERLIN.
Does the reader ask what these two cobinisn—he remained really a sturnames have to do with each other ? dy republican, through all the allureWhat possible connexion can subsist ments of power tempting him during between the revolutionist, the demo- his brother's empire-which empire, cratic Prince, the republican brother despite his opposition thereto, he still of that great military usurper who affects to regard and justify as a mere turned a republic into an empire, and temporary dictatorship, necessary to the loyalissimus Professor of History, make an end of the Revolution and its &c., at the Berlin University? These -through, what might be harder are fair and reasonable questions, to resist, a seemingly ardent love for which we might be perplexed to an- that imperial brother's person, admiswer satisfactorily, had we not, in the ration of his genius, and proud delight years of our youth, of our inquisitive in his triumphs; and his brother's fall idleness, attended some few courses of having, naturally enough, generated natural philosophy: From our recol- no love of legitimacy, he remains a lection of the physical experiments we conscientious republican to the present then witnessed, we derive the explana- day. Yet this republican Bonaparte tion of the obscure metaphysical im- frankly declares, both in his memoirs,* pulse that induced the combination, and in a pamphlet,t published last which is this: We apprehend that the year, that, upon visiting, or rather names or individualities in question, residing in England, he discovered a appear in conjunction, actuated by constitutional monarchy to be nearly the same principle upon which bodies, the best of republics. Not a constiin opposite states of electricity-posi- tutional monarchy after the fashion of tive and negative, vitreous and resi- that of the Barricades, where the antanous, or whatever be the proper terms gonist principles of monarchy and dein these days of ever changing nomen- mocracy being placed in the lists for a clature-irresistibly attract each other. combat à l'outrance, one or the other If we keep clear of those common- must gain a decided victory, but our place contrasts, the idiot and the ge- English, old-fashioned, Magna Charnius, the honest man and the knave, ta-constitutional monarchy, wherein a &c., where shall we find any more powerful hereditary peerage balances striking than that presented by Lucien and controls alike the crown and an Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, and elective House of Commons; which Professor Von Raumer ?
Lucien Bonaparte considers to form The Prince-for we, who are nei- the true and proper republican insti. their republicans nor equalitarians, tutions, such as they must be, to enwhether the equality be that of licen- circle, temper, and support a kingly tious anarchy, or of slavery under despotism, must needs give precedency Now, though our own original preto the princely title, more especially possessions were, we need hardly say, when the precedency of talent accords unfavourable to Lucien Bonaparte, with that of_not birth, but created Prince of Canino, to the brother of social station.— The Prince, then, born the ambitious conqueror and tyranna petty Corsican noble, was, as he him- cal enslaver of the Continent, to the self has told us, a boyish democrat; republican who accepted the title of and, although the horrors of the French prince, let us frankly add that this is Revolution
speedily disgusted him with what we like, –a boy passionately democracy, he remained—to us, who impelled by the passions and preju saw him indistinctly looming in the dices rife during his boyhood,-a ma distance, through the bewildering mists thinking for himself—right or wron of blood, a very prosopopoeia of Ja- -adhering to the opinions he h a
Mémoires de Lucien Bonaparte, Prince de Canino. 8vo. London : 1836. † Reponse de Lucien Bonaparte, Prince de Canino, aux Mémoires du General Lumarque. Imprimé par Schulze, Poland Street, 1835.
adopted through good report and evil since been made known to the British report, through temptation and perse- public by two elaborate critiquescution, and preserving through the written, as we have understood, by whole, even to an age but too often critics totally unconnected with each hard and cold, the feelings of human other ; the first in the pages of the nature and of early family affection. Foreign Quarterly Review, the other,
Turn we now, although we have some years later, in those of the Quar. not by any means done with his re- terly Review. The only point connecpublican Imperial Highness, to his op- ted with this history that we, at preposite pole, the Berlin Professor. sent, feel ourselves called upon to
Friedrich Von Raumer is, we appre- notice, is the conservative, or rather hend, best known in this country by legitimatist character which it every those letters upon England, upon the where discovers. The first of the two social condition and political institu- reviewers alluded to, has observed that tions of the English nation,* which Mrs Raumer is one of the very few modern Sarah Austin has translated for the be- historians who favour the Ghibellines ; nefit of such of her countrymen, as not and he does this, not only with regard knowing, need to be made acquainted to Germany, where the question lay with themselves. No small portion of only between rival families, or, at most, the mass, we apprehend, therefore, between the empire and the Papal will be entitled to claim her services, See ; but with regard to Italy, where and we trust equally able and willing even we, who profess ourselves Ghito remunerate them. But had these bellines, must acknowledge that it letters upon England been all Herr bore the appearance of lying between Von Raumer had written, had we liberty, or at least independence, and known him only as a loyal Prussian a foreign yoke. We say bore the aplegitimatist, queerly metamorphosed pearance, because we think with the reinto an English Radical, of a surety viewer, that, inasmuch as the German we should never have devoted even Emperors were, or claimed to be Emthese few lines to commemorate his perors of the Holy Roman Empire, and mistakes and misrepresentations ; nor, were certainly the regular and lawful even had the contrast he offers to successors of Charlemagne, Italy was Lucien Bonaparte provoked a smile, not only an integral, but the essential as it occurred to us, should we have part of their empire, Germany being dreamed of placing his name side by the accessary. Still, the fact being side with that of the really able Prince. that those Emperors were Germans, But Raumer is more than an observer who, with the exception of Frederick of England through the spectacles or II., and, perhaps, of his father Henry the eyes of Mrs Austin and the Whig VI., resided almost entirely in their Ministry. He is a diligent, lucid, and native Germany, visiting Italy only in judicious historian, and, as such, ne- pomp, to receive the Imperial crown, cessarily attracts our attention, pro- or in arms to assert their authority, the fessing ourselves, as we do, zealous feudal and federal connexion of the lovers of history.
Peninsula with the empire bore, to Professor Raumer first became superficial observers, the character of known to us as the diligent writer of subjugation to a foreign yoke. The a voluminous and valuable history of Guelph insurrection of the Lombard the Hohenstauffen or Swabian empe- cities against Frederic Barbarossa was, rors.t. Upon the laborious research, in many respects, analagous to that of the critical acumen, and the general the Anglo-Americans against the dishistorical talent displayed in this per tant mother country ; it was the informance, it is needless for us to en- surrection of conscious strength, deemlarge. It is a work of too great mag- ed, in the case of the Lombards somenitude to be incidentally discussed ; what rashly, equal to the maintenance and its merits and defects have long of independence against a remote sove
England im Jahre 1835. Von Friedrich Von Raumer. 2 vols. 8vo. Berlin : 1835. Raumer's England in 1835. Translated by S. Austin and E. Lloyd. 3 vols. 12mo. London : 1836.
† Geschichte der Hohenstauffen und ihrer Zeit. (History of the Hohenstauffens and their Times.) By F. Von Raumer.
Avo. I : 1825.
reign. As such remote sovereign must, but defrays the expense of his in the nature of things, govern his more journey. distant subjects less paternally, lessjudi- These details, at once so charac: ciously than those immediately under teristic of the enthusiasic Teutonic na, his own eye-especially in early times ture, and so strikingly discrepant, as of imperfect communication—the in- well from old German feudalism as surgents had plausible if not sufficient from continental passion for office, grounds to allege in their justification. certainly did not lessen our interest in And thus, although it be mere school- the noble historian, and we looked boy declamation to revile the two with confident desire for more fruits Frederics as ambitious and usurping of his diligence. Some few publicaconquerors, it is very natural that en- tions of his appeared, we believe, from thusiastic lovers of liberty should pas- time to time, which did not reach us, sionately embrace the Guelph cause, but the year 1831 gave birth to two the cause of fair and polished Italy, works, which we eagerly sought. against barbarous Germans.
These were two sets of letters from Raumer in his history, on the con- Paris, the one relative to the dead, the trary, pleaded the cause of lawful so- other to the living." vereignty against insurgents for liberty The former of these sets of letters, and independence. Now, whatever
Now, whatever which though last published_in fact such conduct might have implied in a written after the Professor's return to politician, we viewed it only as the Berlin—we mention first, both because conduct of a man of letters, and as it was the first of the two that we saw, such it appeared to us, in the midst and because it constitutes a part of his of the march of intellect, of school- historical labours, and is known to the masters abroad, of la jeune France, English public, as translated by Lord of das junge Deutschland, and what Francis Egerton, under the title of not, as a remarkable instance of moral “ Hlustrations of the History of the courage, and we enquired who this Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." bold advocate of legitimate authority of these historical letters it will, might be. We learned that Friedrich therefore, suffice to observe generally, Ludwig George Von Raumer was a that they contain the fruits of RauPrussian of noble family, who had mer's researches in the Parisian libeen destined and trained for official braries, materials upon which to form, life, for the career of a statesman, had or by which to rectify historical opiearly merited and obtained the good nions, but which, to our old-fashioned opinion of his superiors ; had held notions, would have been more fitly, various small posts; and was so fa- though perhaps less lucratively, incorvoured by Prince Hardenberg, that porated in the notes or appendix to he received him into his family, as Raumer's history, now in course of well as office, in order to fit him for publication, for the sake of which he the highest stations, and that his pas. sought them, than in this independent sion for historical studies had induced form. In these Berlin letters, howhim to abandon these flattering pros- ever, we still find, as far as the nature pects, and solicit, in lieu of a minis- of the anomalous composition, or rather terial portfolio in reversion, and some compilation, admits, the same ultraunder-secretaryship in possession, the conservative disposition to defend all appointment of professor of history at lawfully constituted authorities against the University of Breslau, which uni- insurrection and innovation, which versity he has since quitted for that first attracted our notice. Thus the of Berlin. We likewise learned that historian has discovered and published the King of Prussia, with a truly documents justifying Philip II. of royal patronage of learning, when Spain from the accusation, under Raumer's historical labours require which he had long laboured, of having that he should travel in search of in- poisoned his eldest son and his third formation, not only gives him leave of wife. This eldest son, begging parabsence from his professional duties, don of all the poets who have sung
Briefe aus Paris zur Erläuterung der Geschichte der 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts. 2 bde. Leipzig, 1831. Briefe aus Paris im Jahre 1830. 2 bde. Leipzig, 1831.
the virtues and mourned the fate of unaccompanied by any intimation of Don Carlos, from Otway, Schiller, distaste or disapprobation. and Alfieri, down to their latest suc- Still Raumer was evidently supcessor, our tragical Home Secretary, ported under this slight attack of the appears to have been, if not actually liberalist epidemic by innate habitual an idiot or a maniac, a youth whose German sound sense and right feelpassions were extravagant and un- ing. He saw the faults of both parbridled to a degree so nearly approach- ties, of the opposition and the people, ing to frenzy, as clearly made it the as well as those of the Government. duty of the king, if he could not cure He condemned and ridiculed the him, to exclude him from the succes. Brussels parody of the Parisian Three sion, for the sake of the millions of Days-he laughed at the arrogance subjects who might otherwise have of the Belgians, who, always subjectbeen the victims of his follies and vices. ed to a foreign yoke, always intolerant Don Carlos further appears to have Catholics, affected to look down upon died in confinement of a fever brought the long self-emancipated Protestant, on by his own intemperance. If all-tolerant Dutch, as slaves, tyrants, Philip II. were jealous of his French and bigots. He saw that, not in Queen, it must surely have been with Prussia only, but every where, the some one more captivating in mind spirit is more important than the form and body than her stepson.
of a government. Nay, he even carThe second set of Parisian Letters, ried this monarchical opinion too far, entitled “ Letters from Paris in 1830," at least for us, who incline to think professes to be a collection of the that moderately free forms may graletters written by Herr Von Raumer dually generate a free spirit. We to his family and friends, communi- shall extract a few passages to this cating to them his opinions relative effect from the Paris letters, partly as to the manners, literature, theatres, an apology for our own individual philosophy, religion, and politics of foible for an author who could write the French metropolis, as he found the letters from England, and partly them, during a residence of five as a contrast to, and a sort of correcmonths, four of which immediately tive of some of the absurdities which preceded the notorious, if not glorious, actually astounded us as we perused Three Days, during which days he those English letters. In a letter, was absent upon an excursion. dated March 13, 1830, he says, speak
In these letters we could not buting of the King of the then undivided observe some little inconsistency in the Netherlands, not without truth perwriter's political opinions as they re- haps, but somewhat reminding us of fer to the past or the present, to Ger. the well-known professional defensive many, perhaps we should say Prussia, suggestions of the tanner, woolstapler, and every other part of the habitable &c. of the besieged town. globe. Here we found that the his- “ It were more effective against the torian who justified the most severe evil [of factious clamour] than cenand arbitrary measures of Frederic sors, juries, or punishments, did goBarbarossa, who considered the strug- vernments understand how to gain gle of the Lombard cities for liberty the good opinion and active services and independence as rank rebellion, of the better literati. viewed his Gallic contemporaries with pert jackanapes writes against them, different eyes, reprobated, as blind they most mistakenly hold it superand lawless obstinacy, Charles X.'s fluous to employ a single well-disendeavours to maintain the ministers posed author to develope and defend of his own choice, thought the French the better cause. Every where sol. would have been justified in every diers more than enough, but no inmeasure of passive resistance, such as tellectual champions.". non-payment of taxes, and the like, “ March 29.-I maintained against and that they took a perhaps wiser, V., that every nation required its own because more quickly decisive course, appropriate guarantees of liberty, and in the very active resistance of the that the abstraction which sought to Three Days. Nay, we found an ob- establish every where the same forms, scure intimation of treachery towards directions, and instruments, fell into his master on the part of Marmont, inanity and perversion.”