found it substantially correct, and it has been therefore thought necessary to preserve Davall's translation, with merely some slight alterations in the orthography and structure of a few of the sentences. This account of the conspiracy of Fiesco by the Cardinal de Retz, is inserted among some other pieces, now also forgotten, in the fourth volume of Tonson's edition translated by Davall. It is needless to say any thing here respecting the conspiracy of Fiesco, which is one of the most remarkable and daring adventures recorded in history. There is another account of it, in a rare volume of historical tracts, entitled "A Collection of Select Discourses out of the most Eminent Wits of France and Italy," 8vo, London, 1678; but it appears to be a translation, and a very inferior one, of the Cardinal's narrative, from Signior Mascardi, but the translator's name is not given. It is, however, noticed occasionally in the notes. Dr Robertson has given a very graphic though confused account of this famous conspiracy, in his History of Charles V, and he has made considerable use of De Retz's narrative. This performance by the Cardinal, it may be observed in conclusion, was written when he was only eighteen years of age, and may be considered as characteristic of his disposition, and of his turbulent conduct in after life. It is partly translated from the Italian of Mascardi, and was entitled "La Conjuration du Comte de Fiesque, "It is re par Cardin. de Retz. The Cardinal, of course, professes great admiration of Fiesco. markable," says Dr Robertson in a note, "that Cardinal de Retz, at the age of eighteen, composed a history of this conspiracy, containing such a discovery of his admiration of Fiesco and his enterprise, as renders it not surprising, that a minister so jealous as Richelieu, should be led, by the perusal of it, to predict the turbulent and dangerous spirit of that young ecclesiastic." THE CONSPIRACY OF JOHN LEWIS FIESCO, AGAINST GENOA. But Brutus says he was ambitious, Julius Cæsar. In the beginning of the year 1547, the republic of Genoa was in a condition which might have been called happy had it been better secured. To all appearance it enjoyed a glorious tranquillity, acquired by its own arms, and preserved by those of the great Charles V, whom that state had chosen for the protector of its liberty. The weakness of its enemies sheltered it from their ambition, and the charms of peace restored a prosperity, which the disorders of war had long banished. Trade began to revive in the city, to the visible advantage of the public and of private persons; and if the minds of the citizens had been as free from jealousy, as their fortunes were from necessity, that commonwealth had soon recovered from its past miseries, by a state of ease, wealth and happiness. But the want of union amongst them, and the seeds of hatred which the late divisions had left in the hearts of the people, were dangerous remains, which plainly indicated, that the great body was not yet cured of its distempers, and that its seeming health was like that of those persons, whose bloated faces carry with them a good appearance, but conceal many ill humours. The nobility, who had the government in their hands, could not forget the injuries which they had received from the people, during the time that they had no share in the management of affairs; and the people, on their part, could not suffer the dominion of the nobility, but viewed it as a new tyranny, contrary to the ordinances of the state. Some, even amongst the noblemen, who aspired to a higher fortune, secretly envied the grandeur of the rest. Thus the one commanded with haughtiness, and the others obeyed with indignation, and many thought themselves servants because they did not act enough like masters; when Providence permitted an accident to happen, which made these different sentiments break out on a sudden, and which finally confirmed the one in their command, and the others in their slavery. This was the conspiracy of John Lewis de Fiesco, Count de Lavagna, which we must trace a little higher, the better to understand the circumstances of the events that followed. At the time of those famous wars in which the Emperor Charles V. and Francis I. King of France, laid Italy waste, Andrew Doria, born of one of the best families in Genoa, and the greatest seaman at that day in Europe, followed the French party with much zeal, and maintained the grandeur and reputation of that crown at sea with such courage and good fortune, as tended no less to the advantage of those whose interests he promoted, than to his own glory. But it is a misfortune common to great princes not to regard sufficiently those who can do them service, when once they think themselves assured of their loyalty. From this cause proceeded the loss which France suffered of so good a servant; and that loss produced effects so fatal, that the remembrance of them will ever be grievous and deplorable to that kingdom. Whilst this great man was engaged upon advantageous terms in the King's service abroad, as general of his galleys, those who were first in favour and power at home began to envy both his glory and his office, and formed the design of undoing the man whom they saw too great ever to submit to be a dependant on any one but his master. As they judged it at first neither safe nor useful to their design to do him ill offices with the King, who had lately expressed too good an opinion of him, so soon to conceive an ill one; they took a more subtile method, and, joining their praises to the public applause, which was given to Doria's first taking up arms for France, they resolved, by degrees, to give him such occasions of discontent, as might seem rather to proceed from the general necessity of affairs than from their private malice, and which, nevertheless, would work the desired effect. They |