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A VOICE FROM ST. HELENA.

By Barry E. O'Meara, Esq. late Surgeon to the Emperor Napoleon.

THIS work, from which, our readers will recollect, some extracts were given in our last, is on the eve of publication, but has not yet made its appearance. We avail ourselves therefore of the copy in our possession to lay before our readers a further selection from its contents. The work purports to be a compilation of Napoleon's private observations during the first three years of his captivity at St. Helena, taken down upon the spot each day, immediately after the narrator parted from his company. It is a simple, unadorned narrative of the conversations of Napoleon, not spoiled or brought into suspicion by any attempt at finery,-it is the Boswelliana of Bonaparte, unalloyed by the (certainly amusing) egotism of the northern biographer. To the work is prefixed a fac-simile of Napoleon's manuscript of the following sentence, the original of which is in the author's possession.

Je prie mes parens et amis de croire tout ce que le Docteur O'Meara leur dira relativement a la position ou je me trouve et aux sentimens que je conserve. S'il voie ma bonne Louise je la prie de permettre qu'il lui baise les mains.

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This speaks clearly the high confidence which Napoleon placed in the person to whom it was given, and confirms the strong internal evidence which every page presents of its authenticity. In addition to this, there is the attestation of Mr. Holmes, the agent of Napoleon in this country, that he received the original manuscript from St. Helena long before the arrival of Mr. O'Meara in England, a proof that the compilation was no afterthought. We think Mr. O'Meara has only acted justly towards himself, and respectfully to wards the public, in producing those vouchers for the credit which he demands from them: but the trouble was scarcely necessary; there are so many anecdotes which none but Napoleon could tell-so many phrases, which none but Napoleon could use -such intensity of diction, and varieties of singular and interesting disVOL. VI.

closure, that it is difficult to refuse assent. The very nature of the work renders it necessarily most curious-there has not been a public event for the last thirty years-an actor of any distinction upon the political scene-a general of any fame

The

a minister of any eminence-a battle-a court-a treaty, or in short, an occurrence of any national interest whatever, which we have not Napoleon sketching for us in his own proper person, with all the rapidity and familiarity of conversation. most minute details of his youth, his elevation, his prosperity, and his fall -the characters with whom he either combated or associated-the different members of his own family, their faults and their capabilitiesthe crimes of which he was accused with his own defences, the failures which he fell into, the achievements which he executed, and the plans which he had in prospect, are all developed with most interesting minuteness. One circumstance has struck us forcibly, as we have no doubt it will every one else on a perusal of this book, and that is, the facility of intercourse which Napoleon admitted, and his extreme communicativeness upon every subject; to be sure, it is natural enough that a man like him, after the surprising activity of the life he led, might wish to relieve the rigours of his confinement by a recurrence to the scenes in which he was so distinguished, thus as it were stealing a balm for the present from the memory of the past; still we did not expect to meet with so entire an absence of reserve. It is time, however, to allow the reader to judge for himself by some out of the numberless entertaining anecdotes with which these volumes abound. We should perhaps mention that the book is written in the unassuming but natural form of a diary. The following are some of his opinions of the person to whom perhaps in the world he was most attached-the Empress Josephine.

Had some conversation with him relative to the Empress Josephine, of whom he spoke in terms the most affectionate.

E

His

first acquaintance with that amiable being, commenced after the disarming of the sections in Paris, subsequently to the 13th of Vendemiare, 1795. A boy of twelve or thirteen years old presented himself to me," continued he, "and entreated that his father's sword (who had been a general of the republic) should be returned. I was so touched by this affectionate request, that I ordered it to be given to him. This boy was Eugene Beauharnois. On seeing the sword, he burst into tears. I felt so much affected by his conduct, that I noticed and praised him much. A few days afterwards his mother came to return me a visit of thanks. 1 was much struck with her appearance, and still more with her esprit. This first impression was daily strengthened, and marriage was not long in follow ing." Vol. i. p. 180. And again-" Josephine was subject to nervous attacks when in affliction. She was really an amiable woman-elegant, charming and affable. Era la dama la piu graziosa di Francia. She was the goddess of the toilet; all the fashions originated with her; every thing she put on appeared elegant; and she was so kind, so humane-she was the best woman in France." In another place he says of her," Josephine died worth about eighteen millions of francs. She was the greatest patroness of the fine arts that had been known in France for a series of years. She had frequently little disputes with Denon and even with myself, as she wanted to procure fine statues and pictures for her own gallery instead of the Museum. Now I always acted to please the people; and whenever I obtained a fine statue or a valuable picture I sent it there for the benefit of the nation. Josephine was Grace personified. Every thing she did was with a peculiar grace and delicacy. I never saw her act inelegantly during the whole time we lived together. She had grace even en se couchant. Her toilet was a perfect arsenal, and she effectually defended herself against the assaults of time." Vol. ii. p. 101.

Of Marie Louise also he seems to have been very fond. The author relates that, he made him read to him three several times, out of the Observer Newspaper, an account of her having fallen off her horse into the Po and narrowly escaped drowning; an accident by which he appeared much affected. We have already seen that her own picture and that of her son decorated his mantelpiece; he had subsequently received from Europe a bust of young Napoleon, upon which he used to gaze at times with the most tender expression of affection. Napoleon seemed

fully impressed with an opinion that his affection for Marie Louise was returned to the last; and if the story which he relates be true, it is indeed highly to her honour.

"I have," continued he, "been twice married. Political motives induced me to divorce my first wife, whom I tenderly loved. She, poor woman, fortunately for herself, died in time to prevent her witnessing the last of my misfortunes. Let Marie Louise be asked with what tenderness and affection I always treated her. After her forcible separation from me, she avowed in the most feeling terms to her ardent desire to join me, extolled with many tears both myself and my conduct to her, and bitterly lamented her cruel separation, avowing her ardent desire to join me in my exile.'

Of his own family, and particularly of the females, he appears to have been fond of indulging the recollec

tion.

"My excellent mother," said he, “is a woman of courage and of great talent, more of a masculine than a feminine nature, proud and high minded. She is capable of selling every thing even to her chemise for me. I allowed her a million a year, besides a palace, and giving her many presents. To the manner in which she formed me at an early age I principally owe my subsequent elevation. My opinion is, that the future good or bad conduct of a child depends entirely upon the mother. She is very rich. Most of my family considered that I might die, that accidents might happen, and consequently took care to secure something. They have preserved a great part of their property." Of Joseph he thus speaks. "His virtues and talents are those of a private character; and for such nature intended him: he is too good to be a great man. He has no ambition. He is very like me in person, but handsomer. He is extremely well informed, but his learning is not that which is fitted for a king; nor is he capable of commanding an army." Vol. i. p. 232.

It is a curious fact, that Napoleon besought Mr. O'Meara to collect for him every book he could in which he was libelled, and read and commented on them continually, sometimes seriously refuting them, but much oftener in strains of ridicule. Occasionally some very awkward stories came out about the authors. We shall only extract one relating to Madame de Staël,

"Madame de Stäel," said he, "was a woman of considerable talent and great ambition; but so extremely intriguing and

restless, as to give rise to the observation, that she would throw her friends into the sea, that at the moment of drowning she might have an opportunity of saving them. I was obliged to banish her from court. At Geneva, she became very intimate with my brother Joseph, whom she gained by her conversation and writings. When I returned from Elba, she sent her son to be presented to me on purpose to ask payment of two millions, which her father Neckar had lent out of his private property to Louis XVI. and to offer her services, provided I complied with this request. As I knew what he wanted, and thought that I could not grant it without ill-treating others who were in a similar predicament, I did not wish to see him, and gave directions that he should not be introduced. How ever, Joseph would not be denied, and brought him in in spite of this order, the attendants at the door not liking to refuse my brother, especially as he said that he would be answerable for the consequences. I received him very politely, heard his business, and replied, that I was very sorry it was not in my power to comply with his request, as it was contrary to the laws, and would do an injustice to many others. Madame de Stäel was not however

contented with this. She wrote a long let-
ter to Fouché, in which she stated her

claims, and that she wanted the money in
order to portion her daughter in marriage
to the Duc de Broglie, promising that if I
complied with her request, I might com-
mand her and hers; that she would be
black and white for me. Fouché commu-
nicated this, and advised me strongly to
comply, urging that in so critical a time
she might be of considerable service. I
answered, that I would make no bargains.
"Shortly after my return from the con-
quest of Italy," continued he, "I was
accosted by Madame de Stäel in a large
company, though at that time I avoided
going out much in public. She followed
me every where, and stuck so close that I
could not shake her off. At last she asked

me,

who at this moment is la première femme du monde ?' intending to pay a compliment to me, and expecting that I would return it. I looked at her, and coldly replied, she who has borne the greatest number of children,' turned round, and left her greatly confused and abashed. He concluded by observing, that he could not call her a wicked woman, but that she was a restless intrigante, possessed of considerable talent and influence." (Vol. ii. p. 65-67.)

Napoleon, however, did not content himself with merely retorting on the motives of his traducers. Whereever there appeared any colour for the accusation he went at length into the real facts, stating what took place,

and what he had to say in his vindication. Thus the three great accusations against him, the poisoning of the soldiers, the massacre of the Turks, and the death of the Duke D'Enghien, he minutely enters into. He states the circumstances which gave rise to the report of the first, which he asserts never happened at all, and adds that there is no person in England now more convinced of its falsehood than the person who gave it the greatest circulation here, Sir Robert Wilson. If this be the fact, Sir R. Wilson is called upon by every feeling which ought to actuate an honourable man to come forward manfully and confess his misinformation. The destruction of 1200 Turks he avows and justifies; appealing to every military man in Europe for his justification: but war, we are afraid, has little connection with morality. Alluding to the death of the Duke D'Enghien, he says he was clearly implicated in the conspiracy of Pichegru and Moreau. We take at random is, however, frequently discussed by one passage on this subject; which Napoleon at much greater length. We must premise that he uniformly imputes the denouement to the persevering instigation of Talleyrand.

"It was found out," continued Napoleon, "by the confession of some of the conspirators, that the Duc d'Enghien was ing on the frontiers of France for the news an accomplice, and that he was only waitof my assassination, upon receiving which he was to have entered France as the king's lieutenant. Was I to suffer that the Court d'Artois should send a parcel of miscreants to murder me, and that a prince of his house should hover on the borders of the country I governed, in order to profit by my nature, I was authorized to cause him to assassination? According to the laws of be assassinated in retaliation for the numerous attempts of the kind that he had before caused to be made against me. gave orders to have him seized. He was tried and condemned by a law made long before I had any power in France. He was tried by a military commission formed of all the colonels of the regiments then in He was accused of garrison at Paris. having borne arms against the republic, tribunal, he behaved with great bravery. which he did not deny. When before the When he arrived at Strasburg, he wrote a letter to me, in which he offered to discover every thing if pardon were granted to him, said that his family had lost their claims for a long time, and concluded by offering

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his services to me. This letter was delivered to Talleyrand, who concealed it until after his execution. Had the Count d'Artois been in his place, he would have suffered the same fate; and were I now placed under similar circumstances, I would act in a similar manner. As the police," added Napoleon, "did not like to trust to the evidence of Mehée de la Touche a lone, they sent Captain Rosey, a man in whose integrity they had every confidence, to Drake at Munich, with a letter from Mehée, which procured him an interview, the result of which confirmed Mehée's statement, that he was concerned in a plot to terrasser le premier consul, no matter by what means."* (Vol. i. p. 453, 454. But we gladly turn from these topics to the sketches of character with which the book is filled. Nothing can be more amusing than some, or more intensely interesting than others. We question much whether they are not far better hit off in conversation as they appear, than if they had been the result of labour and deliberation. The character of Murat thus rapidly thrown off could not be improved by any polish :

I informed him that Colonel Macirone, aid-de-camp to Murat, had published some anecdotes of his late master. "What does he say of me?" said Napoleon. I replied, that I had not seen the book, but had been informed by Sir Thomas Reade that he spoke ill of him. "Oh," said he, laughing," that is nothing; I am well accustomed to it. But what does he say ?" I answered, it was asserted that Murat had imputed the loss of the battle of Waterloo to the cavalry not having been properly employed, and had said, that if he (Murat) had commanded them, the French would have gained the victory. "It is very probable," replied Napoleon; " I could not be every where; and Murat was the best cavalry officer in the world. He would have given more impetuosity to the charge. There wanted but very little, I assure you, to gain the day for me. Enfoncer deux ou trois bataillons, and in all probability Murat would have effected that. were not I believe two such officers in the world as Murat for the cavalry, and Drouot for the artillery. Murat was a most singular character. Four and twenty years ago, when he was a captain, I made him

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my aid-de-camp, and subsequently raised him to be what he was. He loved, I may rather say, adored me. In my presence he was as it were struck with awe, and ready to fall at my feet. I acted wrong in having separated him from me, as without me, he was nothing. With me, he was my right arm. Order Murat to attack and destroy four or five thousand men in such a direction, it was done in a moment; but leave him to himself he was an imbécile without judgment. I cannot conceive how so brave a man could be so láche. He was no where brave unless before the enemy. There he was probably the bravest man in the world. His boiling courage carried him into the midst of the enemy, couvert de

with gold. How he escaped is a miracle, pennes jusqu'au clocher, and glittering being as he was always a distinguished mark, and fired at by every body. Even the Cossacs admired him on account of his extraordinary bravery. Every day Murat was engaged in single combat with some of them, and never returned without his sabre dropping with the blood of those whom he had slain. He was a paladine, in fact a Don Quixote in the field; but take him into the cabinet, he was a poltroon without judgment or decision. Murat and Ney

were the bravest men I ever witnessed. Murat, however, was a much nobler character than Ney. Murat was generous and open; Ney partook of the canaille. Strange to say, however, Murat, though he loved me, did me more mischief than any other person in the world. When I left Elba, I sent a messenger to acquaint him with what I had done. Immediately he must attack the Austrians. The messenger went upon his knees to prevent him; but in vain. He thought me already master of France, Belgium, and Holland, and that he must make his peace, and not adhere to demi-mesures. Like a madman, he attacked the Austrians with his canaille, and ruined me. For at that time there was a negociation going on between Austria and me, stipulating that the former should remain neuter, which would have been finally concluded, and I should have reigned undisturbed. But as soon as Murat attacked the Austrians, the emperor immediately conceived that he was acting by my directions, and indeed it will be difficult to make posterity believe to the contrary. Metternich said, 'Oh, the Emperor Napoleon is the same as ever. A man of iron. The trip to Elba has not changed him. Nothing will ever alter him: all or nothing

While the Duc d'Enghien was on his trial, Madame la Maréchale Bessière said to Colonel Ordener, who had arrested him, "Are there no possible means to save that malheureux? Has his guilt been established beyond a doubt ?" "Madame," replied Colonel Ordener, "I found in his house sacks of papers sufficient to compromise the half of France."-The duke was executed in the morning, and not by torch-light as has been represented,

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for him.' Austria joined the coalition, and I was lost. Murat was unconscious that my conduct was regulated by circumstances and adapted to them. He was like a man gazing at the scenes shifting at the opera, without ever thinking of the machinery behind, by which the whole is moved. He never however thought that his secession in the first instance would have been so injurious to me, or he would not have joined the allies. He concluded that I should be obliged to give up Italy and some other countries, but never contemplated my total ruin." (Vol. ii. p. 94-97.)

There are many sketches of Murat, but this is the best. It was Mr. O'Meara who communicated to Napoleon the intelligence of Murat's death. "He heard it," says he, with calmness, and immediately demanded if he had perished on the field of battle." He afterwards remarked that the conduct of the Calabrese towards Murat was mercy compared with the treatment which he was experiencing. The following are descriptions of some of his generals and ministers.

"Moreau," said he, "was an excellent general of division, but not fit to command a large army. With a hundred thousand men, Moreau would divide his army in different positions, covering roads, and would not do more than if he had only thirty thousand. He did not know how to profit either by the number of his troops, or by their positions. Very calm and cool in the field, he was more collected and better able to command in the heat of an action than to make dispositions prior to it. He was often seen smoking his pipe in battle. Moreau was not naturally a man of a bad heart; Un bon vivant, mais il n'avait pas beaucoup de caractère. He was led away by his wife and another intriguing Creole. His having joined Pichegru and Georges in the conspiracy, and subsequently having closed his life fighting against his country, will ever disgrace his memory. As a general, Moreau was infinitely inferior to Desaix, or to Kleber, or even to Soult. Of all the generals I ever had under me, Desaix and Kleber possessed the greatest talents; especially Desaix, as Kleber only loved glory, inasmuch as it was the means of procuring him riches and pleasures, whereas Desaix loved glory for itself and despised every thing else. Desaix was wholly wrapt up in war and glory. To him riches and pleasure were valueless, nor did he give them a moment's thought. He was a little black-looking man, about an inch shorter than I am, always badly dressed, sometimes even ragged, and despising comfort or convenience. When in Egypt, I made him a present of a complete

field-equipage several times, but he always lost it. Wrapt up in a cloak, Desaix threw himself under a gun, and slept as contentedly as if he were in a palace. For him luxury had no charms. Upright and honest in all his proceedings, he was called by the Arabs, the just sultan. He was intended by nature for a great general. Kleber and Desaix were a loss irreparable to France. Had Kleber lived, your army in Egypt would have perished. Had that imbecile Menou attacked you on your landing with twenty thousand men, as he might have done, instead of the division Lanusse, your army would have been only a meal for them. Your army was seventeen or eighteen thousand strong, without cavalry." (Vol. i. p. 237, 238.)

I asked his opinion of Clarke. He replied, "he is not a man of talent, but he is laborious and useful in the bureau. He is, moreover, incorruptible, and saving of the public money, which he never has ap propriated to his own use. He is an excellent redacteur. He is not a soldier, however, nor do I believe that he ever saw a shot fired in his life. He is infatuated with his nobility. He pretends that he is descended from the ancient kings of Scotland, or Ireland, and constantly vaunts of his noble descent. A good clerk. I sent him to Florence as ambassador, where he employed himself in nothing but turning over the old musty records of the place, in search of proofs of the nobility of my family, for you must know that they came from Florence. He plagued me with letters upon this subject, which caused me to write to him to attend to the business for which he had been sent to Florence, and not to trouble his head or mine with his nonsense about nobility; that I was the first of my family. Notwithstanding this, he still continued his inquiries. When I returned from Elba, he offered his services to me, but I sent him word that I would not employ any traitors, and ordered him to his estates." I asked if he thought that Clarke would have served him faithfully. "Yes," replied the emperor, 66 as long as I was the strongest, like a great many others." (Vol. i. p. 400, 401.)

The following is his description of Carnot.

A man laborious and sincere, but liable to the influence of intrigues and easily deceived. He had directed the operations of war, without having merited the eulogiums which were pronounced upon him, as he had neither the experience, nor the habitude of war. When minister of war, he shewed but little talent, and had many quarrels with the minister of finance and the treasury; in all of which he was wrong. He left the ministry, convinced that he could not fulfil his station for want.

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