the Crón. Gen. Siloca 635, Daroca 866, Alcobiella 399, Calçada de Quinea 400, Cebolla 1329, Montes de Luzon 2653, while the Crón. Gen. has many names unknown to the Poema. The most noteworthy perhaps is the campo del Quarto the scene of the battle with Bucar line 2312. Prominence is also given by the Crón. to the city of Requeña. The evidence of the geography has been used to solve the question of authorship of the poem. One view is thus summed up by Fitzmaurice-Kelly 1 : The poet's name is irrecoverable, but the internal evidence points strongly to the conclusion that he came from the neighborhood of Medina Çeli. The surmise that he was an Asturian rests solely upon the absence of the diphthong ue from his lines, an inference on the face of it unwarrantable. Against this is the topographical minuteness with which the poet reports the sallies of the Cid in the districts of Casteion and Alcocer; his marked ignorance of the country round Zaragoza and Valencia, his detailed description of the central episode the outrage on the Cid's daughters in the wood of Corpes, near Berlanga, and the important fact that the four chief itineraries in the Poema are charged with minutae from Molina to San Esteban de Gormaz while they grow more vague and more confused as they extend towards Burgos and Valencia. The most probable conjecture, then, is that the unknown maker of this primitive masterpiece came from the Valle de Arbuxuelo; and it is worth adding that this opinion is supported by the authority of Sr. Menéndez Pidal. R. Beer thinks that the author was a monk of Cardeña on account of the prominence of that monastery in the poem and the mention of San Esteuan de Gormaz. Die auffallende Vernachlässigung Toledos, auf welche Damas-Hinard aufmerksam machte, erklärt sich daraus, dass Cardeña mit Toledo zu Beginn des 13 Jhrts, nur sehr wenige Beziehungen hatte. Dagegen spielt ein verhaltnissmässig kleiner Flecken, Sant Esteban de Gormaz eine mit Vorliebe herausgearbeitete Rolle. « De siniestro Sant Esteuan heisst es Vs 397 « una buena cibdad ». Vgl. vs 2818-2824 «los de Santesteuan siempre mesurados son » 1. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Hist. of Span. Lit., p. 51. 2. R. Beer, Zur Überlieferung altspan. Denk., pp. 33-43 2843, 2845, 2875. Milá y Fontanals dachte darum, Gormaz sei vielleicht die Heimat des Dichters des Poema. Hält man daran fest, dass ein Benedictiner diese Verse schrieb, so wird das freigebige Lob verständlich. Die Benedictiner speciell die zu Arlanza, hatten in Gormaz grosse Besitzungen, und ein freundliches Wort für die Bewohner von solcher Seite aus war umsomehr gerechtfertigt, als Gormaz im Maurenkriege ein vielumstrittenes Rampfobjekt war. Some of the errors considered above, and a few others, appear to have existed in the manuscript used by Alfonso X's compilers and thus give evidence that compression in the Poema is old, at least older than Per Abbat and that their manuscripts were related to the extent of going back to a common incorrect intermediary. Line 304. Plogo a mio Çid porque crecio en la iantar. The idea of eating seems out of place here. Hence we should probably correct to" en el aiuntar ". cf 373 : « Dios sabe el aiuntar ». But the Crón. Gen. has, corresponding to 304: "mando guisar muy gran yantar. Line 585. Antes quel prendan los de Teruel, si non non nos daran dent nada. The excessive length of this line suggests error or compression. It is repeated almost exactly by the Crón. Gen. " ante que la prendan los de Teruel, ca si ellos la prenden, non nos daran ende nada ". Line 708. Los que el debdo auedes veremos como la acorredes. This line, standing in a series in á is out of assonance. Hence Cornu proposed to change the last word to the subjunctive acorrades. The Crón. Gen. has however: Amigos los que debdo avedes en bien agora vere yo en como acorredes ala seña. Line 971. Alcançaron a myo Çid en Teuar z el Pinar. This inversion of "el Pinar de Teuar cf. 912 appears also in Crón. Gen. Line 1276-77. Por mi mugier z mis fijas, si fuere su merced, Quen las dexe sacar. an The short line 1277 with the bad assonance of 1276 suggests error. Restori supposes the words "si fuere su merçed interpolation, but they are found in the Crón. Line 1356. Hyo les mandare dar conducho mientra que por mj tierra fueren. Line 1545 Vinieron a Molina... ΕΙ Menéndez Pidal gives here the reading of the corrector. "El copista puso medina el corrector molina sobre el renglón. The reason for the correction is obvious, since line 1542 has: Salieron de Medina, z Salon passauan, Arbuxuelo arriba priuado aguijauan, El campo de Torançio luegol atrauessauan, The Crón. Gen. has the following itinerary, showing a subservient following of text in copying : E luego otro dia mouieron de Molina z passaron rio Xalon z Abixuelo arriba z trauessaron el campo de Torançon z llegaron a Medina. Line 2059. Catandol sedie la barba, que tan aynal creciera. Milá, Restori and Cornu all proposed crecio to restore the assonance. But the same form occurs in the Crón. Gen. Marauillandose como le cresçiera tan ayna la barba. Line 3726-7. Passado es deste sieglo el dia de cinquaesma De Christus aya perdon ! 66 Restori following Dozy, showed that el dia de cinquaesma" are both an error and an interpolation. The Gesta gives the month of the Cid's death as July, while the "dia de cinquaof 1099 fell on the 29 th of May. The Crón. Gen. has the same date" dia de cinquaesma. ' esma The evidence as presented in the foregoing pages bears on the different faults of the Poema, the bad assonances, suspicious indirect discourse, long and short lines, obscure or contradictory passages. For all of these the theory of compression offers an explanation; but unsupported, the theory has not been used to explain any faults except bad assonances. Lines too long or too short, when not otherwise suspicious have been left to the criticism of editors of the poem. After all, the evidence can perhaps. not prove the fact of compression, but only induce a belief that the Poema del Cid, in its present form has suffered a compression which is older than the manuscript from which both Per Abbat's copy and the prose of the Crónica General are derived. VI Even after this examination and though one is convinced of the existence of compression in the Poema del Cid, there still remain two puzzling questions. One can understand why a scribe anxious to be done with his task should make minor omissions, abbreviate speeches, or condense them into indirect discourse and crowd details of description into a prose line: but why should a poem of the Cid give so much space to the minor sieges of Alcoçer and Casteion and so little to the greater ones of Murviedro and Valencia? Moreover if the account of the Gesta is accepted as historical truth, our surprise is increased by the divergencies between that and the Poema'. Casteion and Alco 1. Compare Huber, Cron, del Cid, chap. XLII. çer are not even mentioned in the Gesta unless they are the deeds referred to as omitted when speaking of the compact between Alfonso and the Cid in 1088-89. The Poema tells us nothing about the favor which the Cid enjoyed at the court of Zaragoza nos his struggle with the king of Aragon Don Sancho, nor of the second capture of the count of Barcelona. The second question concerns the marriage of the Cid's daughters with the Infantes de Carrion. These marriages have appeared fabulous to nearly all historians. They are not mentioned by those who preceded the Crónica General, Lucas de Tuy the Toledano, the Liber Regum or the Gesta. Moreover the romantic character of the story militates against its credibility as well as the well known Spanish feeling toward the sanctity of matrimony. The daughters were not « barraganas », though the condition of concubinage legally existed in Spain, but the wives, « veladas», of the Infantes and were wedded «a ondra y a bendicion », cf 3439 and 2562. Compare also the marriage ceremony 2230-40. Dioles (Jerónimo) bendictiones, la missa a cantado ». Hence it is difficult to believe that the marriage was dissolved merely by the villainy of the Infantes. Moreover the names of the daughters are not the ones by which they are recorded in their marriages to the Infantes de Navarra and the Count of Barcelona. And the Infante Fernando Gomez died in 1083 before the capture of Valencia. Besides, the count of Carrion from 1077 was Pedro Ansurez who did not belong to the family of the Vanigomez. 3443. De natura sodes de los de Vanigomez. 2 Berganza defends the possibility of the separation by the examples of Ordoño III of Leon and Bermudo II, both of whom repudiated one wife to marry another; and of Count Ruiz de 1. Cf. Siete Partidas, part. IV, Tit. XIV. 2. Berganza, Antig. de España, vol. I p. 518-19. REVUE HISPANIQUE. XV. 13 |