The committee say that they entered upon the investigation under a deep sense of the importance and the intrinsic difficulty of the inquiry. They took the testimony of a great many persons, including that of General Scott, exSecretary Jacob Thompson, Colonel Berret, mayor, Dr. Blake, Commissioner of Public Buildings, and Governor Hicks and ex-Governor Lowe, of Maryland. I had occasion, several years ago, to prepare for one of the public journals a synopsis of the report and testimony. It is a curious book, especially when viewed in the light of subsequent events. The mayor was the first witness called to the stand. IIe said he had not "been able to ascertain the slightest ground for any apprehension of any foray or raid upon the city of Washington." He knew about an organization called the "National Volunteers," which he said was not "a political organization;" that it was composed of citizens whom he knew to be "not only respectable," but a great many of them "stake-holding citizens, who would scorn to do anything that would bring reproach upon the city." Nevertheless, if I am not mistaken, the larger part of them, including their "senior officer," left Washington and joined the rebellion.

The Commissioner of Public Buildings also said he "could see no real ground to apprehend danger," but that he had taken care to see that the Capitol was not blown up; that examinations were made every night, "by going through it, up and down, all through the cellar and every place," and that in the daytime he had his men placed about all the main doors, "so that they might know what came in and what went out.”

Ex-Governor Lowe, who afterward, I think, left his State to assist in the rebellion, denied any knowledge of an organization in the District of Columbia "having for its object the taking or holding any of the public property here, as against the United States;" but he said, "I have not the slightest doubt that, if Maryland does secede, she

will claim her rights here, and I will advocate them." "So far as the possession of the District is concerned?" a member inquired. He answered, "Yes, sir,-peaceably, if possible, forcibly only as a last resort,—that is, provided Maryland shall resume her State sovereignty."

Mr. Jacob Thompson said, "Soon after the Presidential election it was a question frequently discussed by individuals in my presence, in which discussion I participated, as to the mode by which the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln could be defeated, or, in other words, how the rights of the South could be maintained in the Union. I heard some discussion as to organizing a force by which his inauguration could be prevented," but he believed this was now given up.

Dr. Cornelius Boyle, "senior officer" of the "National Volunteers," said he knew there was no unlawful purpose whatever entertained by that organization; that it was nothing more nor less than a military company, numbering between two hundred and fifty and two hundred and eighty names, and that it was not a secret organization. He admitted that he drafted and presented a set of resolutions, the first of which declared that "we will stand by and defend the South, and that under no circumstances will we assume a position of hostility to her interests;" and the fourth that "we will act, in the event of the withdrawal of Maryland and Virginia from the Union, in such manner as shall best secure ourselves and those States from the evils of a foreign and hostile government within and near their borders."

Cypriani Fernandini and O. K. Hillard, of Baltimore, testified that there were military organizations in that city, numbering, the latter believed, not less than six thousand, whose object was to prevent armed bodies of men from passing through Maryland to the capital. Philip P. Dawson, of Baltimore, stated that he had it from good authority that it was their object also to make an attack upon the capital and prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.

General Scott's testimony tended to show that there was great concern for the capital in almost every part of the country. Many letters were received by him daily, warning him to put the city in a state of defence. Some of these professed to give the plans of the conspirators, and pointed out means of detection. He said, "These letters, from the broad surface whence they come, either prove or seem to indicate a conspiracy for one of two purposes at least,—either for mischief or creating alarm." One writer, signing himself "Union," from South Carolina, concluded his letter, "Would give my name, but if found out would have to swing."

Governor Hicks, on the 3d of January, issued an address to the people of Maryland, in which he said:

"I have been repeatedly warned by persons having the opportunity to know, and who are entitled to the highest confidence, that the secession leaders in Washington have resolved that the Border States, and especially Maryland, shall be precipitated into secession with the Cotton States before the 4th of March. They have resolved to seize the Federal capital and public archives, so that they may be in a position to be acknowledged by foreign governments as the United States; and the assent of Maryland is necessary, as the District of Columbia would revert to her in case of a dissolution of the Union. The plan contemplates forcible opposition to Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, and consequently civil war upon Maryland soil, and a transfer of its horrors from the States which are to provoke it."

Again, there had been some interviews as well as correspondence between the commissioners of some of the Southern States and himself; and Governor Hicks said that much of the opinion he had formed in regard to a contemplated movement such as he had apprehended had grown out of these interviews and other corroborative circumstances. One of these commissioners, Judge Handy, from Mississippi, had said, among other things, that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Hamlin would never be installed in office. He had also received letters from several gentlemen, and verbal statements from others in whom he had the fullest

confidence, all going to convince him that he was not mistaken in his apprehensions, although he now thought that the hostile organization referred to had probably been disbanded. On the 14th of February the committee made their report, in which they said, "If the purpose was at any time entertained of forming an organization, secret or open, to seize the District of Columbia, attack the capital, or prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, it seems to have been rendered contingent upon the secession of either Maryland or Virginia, or both, and the sanction of these States." They also declared it as their unanimous opinion that the evidence produced before them did not prove the existence of a secret organization, here or elsewhere, hostile to the Government, having for its object, upon its own responsibility, an attack upon the capital or any of the public property here, or an interruption of any of the functions of the Government. I nevertheless believe that it was the determination of the conspirators, if possible, to take possession of the capital, a determination depending, it is quite probable, on the secession of Virginia and Maryland, both of which States they hoped to see unite their fortunes with the "Southern Confederacy." But Maryland did not come up to time; the flying artillery was brought here, and it was then too late to attempt a coup d'état for the possession of the capital and the public archives. Inasmuch as Mr. Buchanan refers to this subject in one of his letters, which, with the exception of a few words, I propose to give entire, I will introduce it in this place. It will be observed that he did not apprehend any serious danger to the city, although he acted wisely in ordering the troops here.

"WHEATLAND, April 21, 1861.

"MY DEAR SIR,-I presume, from your letter to the New York Times, we shall not agree as to the existence of any serious danger to the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln on the 4th of March, 1861. The truth is, when I first heard the reports circulated in the early part of the previous session, I kept my eye upon the subject and had my own means of information.

I had no apprehension of danger for some time before the report of the committee, but the stake was so vast I yielded to the members of the Cabinet and ordered the troops to Washington. Virginia was at that time as loyal a State as any in the Union, and the Peace Convention which she originated was still in session. But we need not discuss this question. . . . While with you I should be very unwilling to fall into line under as a leader of the Democratic party, yet I know I shall never be condemned to such an ordeal. I am as firm and as true a Democrat of the Jefferson and Jackson school as I have ever been in my life. The principles of Democracy grew out of the Constitution of the United States, and must endure as long as that sacred instrument. I firmly believe that the Federal Government can only be successfully administered on these principles; and although I may not live to see it, yet I shall live and die in the hope that the party, purified and refined by severe experience, will yet be triumphant. Whilst these are my opinions, I obtrude them on no person, but, like yourself, have withdrawn from party politics. . . .

"Very respectfully, your friend,

"JAMES BUCHANAN."

But to return to the winter of 1861. The contest in both houses was continued daily, but I do not propose to recite further what occurred there, exept in reference to a resolution which called forth a report from the committee on military affairs of the House, of which the Hon. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio, was chairman; and I notice this report because of the reference to it in the following letter from Mr. Buchanan:

"WHEATLAND, NEAR Lancaster, 12th November, 1861. "MY DEAR SIR,-You will confer a great favor upon me if you can obtain a half-dozen copies of Mr. Stanton's report from the committee on military affairs, made on the 18th of February, 1861 (No. 85), relative to the arms alleged to have been stolen and sent to the South by Floyd. This report, with the remarks of Mr. Stanton when presenting it, ought to have put this matter at rest, and it did so, I believe, so far as Congress was concerned. It has, however, recently been repeated by Cameron, Reverdy Johnson, and others, and I desire these copies to send to different parts of the Union, so that the falsehood may be refuted by the record. I am no further interested in the matter than that if the charge were true it might argue a want of care on my part. . . .