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"Lausanne and Ferney, ye have been the [name;

abodes

Of names which unto you bequeath'd a Mortals, who sought and found, by dangerous roads,

A path to perpetuity of fame."

Byron, Childe Har. Canto 11I. CV.

In citing the observation of Voltaire on the battle of Dettingen at Monrion, where Goldsmith's interview with him admits of no doubt, A. B. adds, that Goldsmith arrived from Italy, in

Switzerland, in the May of the very year of that battle. Now this arrival and interview must necessarily be referred to 1755, and the battle, the last in which a British monarch has ever appeared, occurred in 1743, the 26th of June, nearly twelve years precedently.

If I have trespassed too much on this occasion, the cause of truth, and the celebrated names in connection with the subject, will, I trust, plead my

excuse.

INN,

Yours, &c. J. R.

LEICESTER.

THE BLUE BOAR
(With exterior and interior Views.)

Mr. URBAN, Leicester, May 19. THE house, of which I forward you a drawing, has been recently taken down, and was the one generally supposed to have been occupied by Richard the Third and his suite, a few nights previous to the

Battle of Bosworth. I send also a

representation of the apartment in which the King is said to have slept; both drawings are from the able and accurate pencil of Mr. Flower, an artist resident in this place. The building, from its antiquity and associations connected with it, was an object of great local interest, and its demolition is much regretted; as remembrances of it, portions of its timber-work and ornaments, have been eagerly sought after by the inhabitants. A range of eligible tenements have been erected upon its site, by some individuals who purchased the property about two years since.

The dilapidated state of the Castle of Leicester at the period of the battle of Bosworth, did not allow Richard to be accommodated there; the house abovementioned was then the principal inn in Leicester, and was known by the sign of the White Boar; it fronted the then principal street, and I was in the direct line of the march from Nottingham, through Leicester, to Bosworth.

Richard arrived in Leicester from Nottingham on the evening of Tuesday, the 16th of August, 1485; he appears to have travelled in great pomp-the crown on his head-and his army so disposed, as to show his power to the greatest advantage. Hut

ton conjectures, that the forces were arranged in so diffuse a manner, as three miles, and to have been at least an hour in entering the town. The King slept at Leicester, and with his troops proceeded next morning to the village of Elmsthorpe, about ten miles distant; here Richard and his army remained for the night, and then marched to Stapleton, (a place in the immediate vicinity of Bosworth Field,) where they must have tarried several days, as a camp was pitched in the lordship, and a considerable earthwork cast up.

to have covered the road for about

No better situation

for observation could possibly have been selected, as no enemy could approach unseen.†

Richmond slept at Atherstone on the night of Saturday, the 20th of August, in a house yet remaining, then and still called the "Three Tuns;" and in the immediate vicinity of this house, the conference which proved fatal to the cause of Richard, is generally supposed to have been held between the Earl and the Stan

leys. Henry's forces advanced from Atherstone to Bosworth Field, and on Monday the 22nd was fought the battle-the last of the thirteen conflicts

History of Bosworth Field.

+ See Hutton's "Bosworth Field,"PP. 46-50.

It is conjectured, that a piece of ground which for centuries has been called "Consultation Close," and is situate at a short distance from the "Three

Tuns," is the site whereon the abovementioned memorable conference was held.

between the Houses of York and Lancaster-a battle, which deprived Richard of his life and ill-acquired sovereignty, and led to the union of the Red and the White Roses.

The body of Richard was brought to Leicester, and buried in the Chapel of the Grey Friars; this was situate nearly in the centre of the place, and in the immediate vicinity of the parish church of St. Martin. No traces of the chapel exist, and the only parts of the monastic establishment remaining, are slight and dispersed portions of the boundary walls; the chambers of a few houses, in what is still called the "Friar Lane," now rest upon some of these.

It has been said, that the remains of Richard were, on their arrival at Leicester, exposed to public view in the Town-Hall; but in the Harl. MSS. 542, fol. 34, it is stated, that they were exhibited to the populace in the Newarke of Leicester. However this might be, it is certain they were interred in the Grey Friars Chapel, and that King Henry the VIIth caused an alabaster monument to be erected near them; this monument was destroyed at the dissolution of religious houses. The coffin, which contained the remains of the king, was dug up, and it has been conjectured, was used for a long interval as a drinking trough for cattle, at an inn in the town.

On the fall of Richard, the Blue Boar was almost universally substituted for his cognizance-the Whiteand there can be no doubt the house in which he slept at Leicester, underwent this change in appellation, as the side street, or rather lane, in which it partially stood, is still called "Blue Boar Lane." When the house

ceased to be an inn, is not precisely

known.

Some circumstances connected with the bedstead appertaining to the bed on which Richard slept, are interesting. According to Throsby (a Leicester historian) the inn was kept in the reign of Elizabeth by a person named Clarke, whose wife hastily making the bed, and disturbing the bedstead, a piece of gold dropt from the latter; this led to the discovery of a considerable quantity of coin,

Hutton, p. 218.

which had been concealed in an inclosure formed in the bedstead. Clarke suddenly grew rich, and became Mayor of the town; his wife survived him, and fell a victim, in the year 1613, to a conspiracy formed amongst her servants, who robbed and murdered the defenceless woman. The miscreants underwent the punishment due to their crimes, and suffered the extreme penalty of the law. The bedstead was afterwards repeatedly sold, but does not appear to have been removed from Leicester until about the year 1797, when it was presented, as an object of great curiosity, to Thomas Babington, Esq. of Rothley Temple in this county, by his relative, the Rev. Matthew Drake Babington, whose property it became on the death of his maternal grandfather, Mr. Alderman Drake of this place; it is scarcely necessary to add, that the bedstead still remains at Rothley Temple.

For centuries, the name of Richard the Third was never associated except with acts of a dark and vile description-no redeeming feature was allowed him-while the traditions as to his person, as well as the catalogue of his crimes, partook of an exclusively horrid and unnatural character. Well might our great dramatic poet describe him

"Seal'd in his nativity, The slave of Nature, and the son of Hell!" No doubt can exist as to his having been an unprincipled and a cruel man: but a doubt may very fairly exist, whether the sentence to which his memory has been subject, considering the semi-barbarous age in which he lived, has not been one of too unqualified a description. It should be recollected that Richard fell when it was the interest of the reigning family to treat his name with every species of contumely, and to brand him with the commission of every description of crime-that he fell too, at a period, when the art of printing, although in its infancy, had yet become sufficiently prevalent to induce great neglect among chroniclers in recording passing events. It may be fairly doubted, whether he had any concern with some of the heinous crimes laid to his charge; enough, however, attaches to him, to load his memory with no ordinary de

gree of infamy; but it must be confessed, that few have been weighed in such strict scales as he has been. Had he succeeded at Bosworth, (and but for the most insidious treachery, he would have succeeded,) his character would, in all probability, have been conveyed to us, as that of one of our greatest heroes and ablest sovereigns-his crimes would have been in a great measure lost in the splendour of his glories-and his admitted sound policy and good government with relation to matters of a civil and of a municipal description, would have been held up as bright patterns for example. He lived, as I before observed, in a semi-barbarous age-was surrounded by enemies who were no strangers to violence, and having grasped a sceptre to which he had no just right, he had to encounter, what had uniformly fallen to the lot of an usurper-the deadly hostility of

those, whose unprincipled and selfish exertions had assisted him in attaining a "bad eminence." I trust, however, I shall not be misunderstood; I should regret being considered the apologist of a heartless Prince, who allowed nothing to impede the progress of his wicked ambition; the sacred cause of truth and of justice however requires, (and for some years it has been in process of accomplishment,) that more should not be laid to his charge than is strictly due, and that the atrocities perpetrated by those, whose names have descended to posterity almost bereft of censure, and with the bright concomitants of heroes and of statesmen, should be placed by the impartial historian, in the odious light they unquestionably deserve.

Yours, &c.

J. STOCKDALE HARDY.

On the early Constitution of the Cinque Ports. By Charles T. Beke, Esq. F. S. A.

Mr. URBAN,

Leipsig, Mar. 12.

IN the third year of the reign of King John (A.D. 1202) William de Aldinges and Avicia his wife claimed against William de Becco, certain lands in Livingsbourn (since Bekesbourn), in the county of Kent, which were held in grand sergeanty, by the service of finding one ship for the King. The plaintiffs say, "t'ra illa est Serjantia D'ni R's scil't inveniendi dim' navem in s'viciu' D'ni R's;" (Abbrev. Placit. p. 34) but this was because they claimed one-half of the property only as co-heirs, contending that the entire service was divided.

This claim was in the following year renewed, when the defence made by William de Becco, upon which his right to the whole was allowed, is thus stated: "Et Willus dicit q'd t'ra illa est de sergeantia D'ni Regis et non debet partiri, et p'fert cartam D'ni Regis H. patris, in qua continetur q'd ipse concessit et dedit Hugoni de Becco ministerium de Esnetka sua de Hasting, quem Rog' de Burnes frater Illarie uxoris Hugonis de Becco habuit et antecessor' sui ante eum," &c. (4bbrev. Pacit. p. 39.)

In the Testa de Nevill, we meet with the following entries:

"De Serjantijs arentatis in com' Kancie p' Rob'm Passalewe temp'e H. Reg' fil' Reg' I.

"Sarjantia Ric'i de Bet [Bec] in Burn [i. e. Livingsbourn] p' qua invenire debuit d'no Regi una nave in quolibet passag' suo alienata est in p'te." (p. 216 b.)

"Item de Serjantijs arentatis per eun.

dem R. in eodem comitatu. "Serjantia Ric'i de Bek in Burne pro qua debuit invenire d'no Regi unā nāvē in quolibet passag' suo alienata est per partic'las." (ibid.)

"De Testa de Nevill.

"Will's de Bethe [Beche] tenet Burnes in s'jantia et valet xli et deb' invenire d'no R. j nave ad s'vic' suu et offerre d'no R. iij m'." (p. 219.)

"Stacekinus de Burnes qui est infra etate et in custodia R. de T'neh'm tenz Burnes in s'jant' et valet X" in man' Rob'ti de T'neh'm p' d'n'm R." (ibid.)

Further, Livingsbourn or Bekesbourn is known to have been (as it still is) a member of the Cinque-port, Hastings, its contingent to the navy of that port having been ONE SHIP.

The facts thus stated, give rise to the following question? What was the original constitution of the Cinque Ports, and who were the so-called Barons ?

That the service of Bekesbourn, as a member of Hastings, was altogether of a feudal and personal, and not of a corporate character, is evident from the fact, that its contingent to the navy of that port consisted simply of the service of the individuals by whom it was held in capite, namely, one ship. If then we may be allowed to argue by analogy from this particular instance, we may probably be justified in coming to the following conclusions upon the subject generally: viz.-That the contingents of the other members of the Cinque Ports consisted originally of the personal services of the different tenants in capite, who held their possessions by the tenure of furnishing the King with the vessels which collectively formed the English navy; that the corporations of the ports themselves consisted in the first instance of nothing more than the union, under certain regulations, and with certain privileges, of these tenants in capite, or barons, whose individual rights, however, were distinct and personal, and descended to their heirs; and that that which was at first merely personal, acquired by degrees a corporate character, which it has since retained.

The charters in favour of the Cinque Ports evidently point to something of this kind. The earliest are made to the barons "and their heirs;" a form of expression so totally inapplicable to corporations of any sort, that Jeakes, in his "Charters of the Cinque Ports," feels himself called upon to explain it, in a note, as meaning in fact" their successors." In subsequent charters, however, we find the expression, "their heirs and successors;' and in yet later ones "their successors alone, as in the present day.

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Mr. URBAN, Ufford, March 18. SIR Harris Nicolas, in his publication of the " Siege of Caerlaverock," after giving some account of William le Mareschal, one of the barons there present, regrets that so few materials exist for compiling a more enlarged memoir of him. Having met with a few additional memoranda relative to this nobleman, I am induced to send them to you, in the hope that, if you should think them worthy of notice, you may afford them a place in your Magazine.

In Michaelmas Term, 26 E. 1, 1298, he proved his age, in doing which it was stated that he was baptized at Denham. In what county this place is situated does not appear. There are two parishes of this name in Suffolk, and it being pretty certain that he held property in that county, it may have been one of these; but it is also possible, that for Denham we ought to read Hengham, which is in Norfolk, now Hingham, which was the head of his barony, by descent from the Rie's. Of this church he was patron, for in 1307, the Lady Hawise le Mareschal, probably his mother, presented to this church, as assignee of William le Mareschal, Knt. and William le Mareschal himself, there styled Marshal of Ireland, presented to the same in 1313. (See Plac. Term. Mich. 26 E. 1, apud Ebor. Suff. 36.)

In the 3 E. 2, 1310, (Claus. 3 E. 2, m. 2. d.) he was summoned to attend with horses and arms, at Newcastleupon-Tyne, on the Monday in the feast of St. Michael then next coming, in order to proceed from thence with the army in an expedition against the Scots. (Rymer, vol. 3, p. 148.)

Being at the present moment with- In the 5 E. 2, 1312, (Orig. Ao. 5 out the means of general reference, E. 2, rot. 21, Northt.) he obtained a I can only express the hope that some licence from the king, upon the payof your readers may be able and wilment of a fine of 10l. to enfeoff John ling to throw further light upon the the son of William le Mareschal and subject, and this through the channel Ela, his wife, in the manor of Norton, of your valuable Journal. They may and other lands in Northamptonshire. also, perhaps, have it in their power Blomefield says that this John le Maresto explain the meaning of the expres- chal was the son and heir of Wilsions, "Ministerium de Esnetka sua liam, and that after the death of John de Hasting," and "Stacekinus de in 1316, Ela, his widow, married to Yours, &c. her second husband, Robert Fitz Pain: CHARLES T. BEKE. but if this was the fact, they, both the father and son, must have married

Burnes."

very young, for in 1312 William could not have been more than thirty-five years of age.

In the 7 E. 2, 1314, (Claus. 7 E. 2, m. 14. dors.) he was summoned to be at Berwick-upon-Tweed, on the Monday next before the feast of St. Barnabas then ensuing, with arms and horses, to proceed from thence to serve with the army in the war of Scotland. It was in this campaign that the battle of Bannockburn, so disastrous to the English, was fought; there it was that this baron, with many other noblemen and knights, was slain; for Sir Harris Nicolas tells us that he died in 1314; and in a list of the killed at that fatal fight, extracted from the continuator of Trivet's Annals, which is printed in a note to the 6th Canto of Sir Walter's Scott's "Lord of the Isles," edit. 1815, p. 441, there appears among the barons and knights bannerets, the name of William le Mareschal, who therefore was doubtless the same baron who had been present at the siege of Caerlaverock.

Let me add a few words respecting a near relative of this distinguished nobleman.

In the above mentioned list, which shows the extent of the national calamity suffered by the battle of Bannockburn, among the knights taken prisoners, appears the name of Sir Anselm le Mareschal. He was the uncle of the baron there slain. He had the manor of Barnham in Norfolk, of the gift of his nephew, William Lord Mareschal. Of this he was Lord in 1332 and 1345. In the 18 E. 2, 1324 (Pat. 18 E. 2, p. 1, m. 6.), he was, with Sir George Thorpe, commissioned to make an array in that county, for an expedition into Gascony; and in the same year (ib. m. 27,) he had letters of protection to pass into France, in the King's company. After this, however, I have not met with any mention of him. He seems to have died without issue; for after his death the manor of Banham became the estate of Robert de Morley, Marshal of Ireland, in right of his wife Hawise, sister and at length sole heir of John le Mareschal, son and heir of William, who died without issue. Yours, &c.

JOURNAL OF ROBERT BARGRAVE, IN TURKEY.
(Continued from April, p. 364.)

SIXTHLY, let me recollect my peculiar story, during my residence in Turkey, commixt of crosses and delights, running thro' the dangers of divers dreadful fires, of wch that of Galata Tower was not ye least, wch destroy'd with itself diverse neighbouring streets, and shrewdly threatned those which escaped, when I was forc't to venture y convoy of of goods thro' the mad multitude, (more destroying than the fire itself, killing many men, and robbing their monies,) to prevent their being burnt. Once especially, as I was conducting or merchandise to secure it in a vault, I was assaulted by some desperate villains, and almost miraculously rescued by one of them, who perchance had known me, even while they were offering to knock me at head. 2ndly. The terrour of horid plagues, when the streets were fill'd with infected bodies, as well alive as dead; ye living seeking remedies, either from the physicians or at the baths, the dead lying in open biers, or else quite naked at their doors, to be wash'd before y' burials; nor was ever the country free from some or other remarkable diseases, especially ye village of Belgrade, whose pleasant scituation invited the English to make it their country retire, where the mortality was

D. A. Y.

attended with prodigious apparitions, and chiefly on their burying place, so as the inhabitants (Greeks) were possest with a belief yt ye devil had entred into some of the dead corps, and that the mortality would not cease till they had let him out; to effect which they opened ye graves, took up the bodies, stabbing and mangling them in a fearfull manner. Some y' had long been buried, were not yet consum'd, and such they cut all to pieces, and of this were some of of nation present wit

nesses.

3rdly. The horrour of several earthquakes, such as made men fall as they walk't on ye ground; toss'd o' dishes on o' tables; made the tops of tall cypress trees, from a fair distance, almost kiss each other; made ye ships dance on the sea, and of houses over or heads. Lastly, the daily hazzards of being stab'd by the drunken sottish Turks, who supposing all to be Venetians that wore our western habit (as if the world were divided between Venetians and Turks), and they having lost in the warr perhaps some near relacons, were always apt to mischief us, unless we could defend o'selves, or were releived by some accidentall passengers more civiliz'd.

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