times long past, and with the Restoration it was to burst CHAP. 1. forth as through a loosened embankment. To that class, the return of the king was indeed the return of liberty.

promises.

But the royalists did not trust to their numbers and Royalist influence. Their promises were such that their very largeness might have justified suspicion. When the risings in the west and in Cheshire had failed, Baxter said to Sir Ralph Clare,-the cause of so much disaster is to be found in the high hand with which your party are disposed to carry everything. The Episcopalians, if Dr. Hammond and other divines may be taken as expressing their feeling, in place of becoming more moderate in adversity, have become only more extravagant than ever in their pretensions. They have learnt to speak of our reformed churches as no churches, and of our ministry as no ministry. Their only terms of concord are such as Protestants might expect from Papists- absolute submission. The Presbyterians care for little more than that the ministry of the church shall consist of religious and competent men; not, as too often heretofore, of the scandalous and incompetent; and that a reasonable liberty of preaching, and of a voluntary gathering together of Christian people for Christian exercises, should be conceded. Had anything been done to secure these objects, Presbyterians and Episcopalians might have been one, and together would have been strong enough to have placed the needed restraint on 'the turbulent sectaries and soldiers.' But as matters stand, persecution, and the ruin of the ministry and churches, are expected by most, if prelacy should become ascendant again.

BOOK II.

In reply, Sir Ralph confidently affirmed that he, 'being most thoroughly acquainted with Dr. Hammond, 'who received letters from Dr. Morley, then with the 'king, could assure me, that all moderation was 'intended, and that any episcopacy, how low soever, 'would be accepted. A bare presidency in synods, such 'as Bishop Usher in his "Reduction" did require, was 'all that was intended. Yea, Bishop Hall's way of 'moderation would suffice. There should be no lord bishops, nor large dioceses, or great revenues, much less any persecuting power. The essentials of episcopacy 'were all that was expected. No godly minister should be displaced, much less silenced, nor unworthy ones 'any more set up. There should be no thought of revenge for anything past. All should be equal. Such were the kindly assurances of Sir Ralph, and such were the assurances of men of his class on all hands. All the noblemen and gentlemen that had been sequestered for the king's cause against the old parliament, 'did in several counties publish invitations to all men 'to promote the king's return, protesting against 'thoughts of revenge or uncharitableness, and professing their resolution to put up all injuries, and to live in 'peace.' So common, so reiterated, and so comprehensive were these promises, that not only the Presby

*Life. Part ii, 207, 208.

+ Ibid. 217. Dr. Morley, and other of the divines of that side, did 'privately meet with several persons of honour, and some ministers, and professed resolutions for great moderation and lenity.' Ibid. Hyde, writing to Dr. Barwick, says, in April: The king very well ' approves and desires that he (Dr. Morley) and you, and other discreet men of the clergy, should enter into conversation with those of the Presbyterian party, that if it be possible you may reduce them to 'such a temper,' &c. Kennet, Reg. 116.

terians, but the Independents, and even the army, were CHAP. I. warranted in supposing themselves included in them. With the restoration of the king, there was to be social order, a liberal church, and the general freedom which had been sought by the sword, but not obtained.

from Breda,

In the wake of all these events, came his majesty's Declaration memorable Declaration from Breda. And because April 4. 'the passion and uncharitableness of the times,' said the king, have produced several opinions in religion, by 'which men are engaged in parties and animosities against each other, which, when they shall hereafter unite in a freedom of conversation, will be compared, 'or better understood, we do declare a liberty to tender 'consciences; and that no man shall be disquieted, or called in question, for differences of opinion in matters of religion which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act 'of parliament as, upon mature deliberation, shall be 'offered to us, for the full granting that indulgence.'*

With this important document came a letter from his majesty to the general, the council of state, and the army, and separate letters to the two houses of parliament, to the commanders of the fleet, and to the citizens of London, all full of promises adapted to quiet apprehension, and to awaken the brightest hopes.†

In his conferences with the Presbyterian divines, before embarking for England, his majesty spoke still more

• Kennet's Register, 109, 110.

+ Ibid. 105-110. It was contrived that many letters should come from persons of reputation abroad to influential parties in this country, in which the strongest assurances were given as to the sound protestations, sincere piety, and great personal worth of the king. Some continued distrustful, but more were willing to suppose themselves mistaken and uncharitable in doubting on that subject.

BOOK II. definitely concerning ecclesiastical affairs. Clarendon, indeed, knowing, when he wrote his history, how all those promises had been falsified, and mainly through his influence, has not given a faithful account of what passed in those interviews. But even from him we learn, that when the king claimed the liberty to use the Book of Common Prayer, he reminded the ministers that he had ceded to them the liberty of dispensing with the use of it. So also in regard to the use of the surplice, and such things generally.*

Such, in brief, were the causes of the Restoration. The divisions in the army may be said to have left the country without a government. Monk, aided by the weakness of Fleetwood, and by the mistakes of Lambert, had contrived to place his division of the army largely under the command of concealed royalists. The way was thus prepared for the combination of parties which was to issue in the success of his policy. Many, even among the Presbyterians, looked towards the coming change with misgiving; some to so great an extent, that they would not be parties to the proceedings of their more credulous brethren at this juncture. The Independents might well be even less hopeful. But such was the confluence of tendencies in this direction, that even the most distrustful were obliged to be passive, and were constrained to hope the best, though with little apparent reason.

Hist. vi. 501-503.

CHAPTER II.

The Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660.

preceding

of the King.

HE day came on which Charles was to land at CHAP. II. Dover. The three or four preceding months Agitation had been months of strange and ceaseless the return agitation. To-day, the king and his friends had looked across the sea towards England in most jubilant expectation. To-morrow, clouds had come over the prospect, and hope was followed by despair. So the scene changed once and again. Parties and interests among us rose and fell in their rivalries like waves in the world of waters by which our island is encircled. Large space might be occupied in relating how the men -given to all varieties of speculation—talked, and wrote, and acted. Both the press and the pulpit gave forth sounds widely dissonant. But the cry which rose above the rest was that which proclaimed the wonderful change for the better which was to come with the return of the king. His majesty was to be so good a king. The old royalists were to show themselves so magnanimous. Even the bishops were to be so lenient and liberal; and the whole country was to become so united, so pros