never great. How far they have depreciated, must be tested by those whose judgments are sound, and whose minds are free from prejudice.

To gain correct ideas of the civil and religious rights of man, and to disseminate the same to others, has been an object of no small solicitude with me for forty years. How far I have succeeded in the attempt, is not for me to determine.

For the first seven years of my ministry, I was greatly embarrassed when old and famous preachers attended; and all my reasoning on the greatness of God, and the weakness of man, would not prevent it; but, by little and little, it subsided, and, for forty years, they have neither stood in my way, nor have I been greatly tempted to call them fathers or masters. This freedom of mind has been a great favor to me; for, in the course of my ministry, I have preached to nine hundred Baptist ministers, and how many of other denominations, I know not. I will here add, that the great veneration I once had for the early fathers of the church, (so called,) and for late reformers, is extinguished. Their biography assures me that they were not perfect—their writings and institutes declare that they were not infallibly inspired. Beyond them all, I look to the New Testament teachers for my creed and patterns. In this supplement, I am aware there is much egotism—the foible of age. When the mind grows inert, and collects nothing new, it will be pouring upon the past. If the circumstances of the day do not apologise for the foible, an attempt will be made to turn it to some use.

The Hebrew law-giver, Moses, in his meekness, generally wrote in the third person, as Julius Cæsar afterwards. But David, the man after God's own heart, is full of egotism. The pronoun I is found more than seven hundred and eighty times in Psalms—more than one hundred and forty times in that singular piece of composition, the one hundred and nineteenth Psalm.

The learned, the good, the wise, the inspired Paul, uses the pronoun upwards of thirty times in the seventh chapter of Romans—six times in one verse. "For that which I do," etc. How strange it is, that any should contend that Paul, in this chapter, is representing an unregenerate man. How can an ungodly man say, I delight in the law of God after the inward man?

Of the nine hundred and seventy-two Baptist preachers whom I have known, more than three hundred are dead. North of the latitude of Philadelphia, there are about sixty still living, who are older than myself. In the southern states, my information is not sufficient to judge how many of the aged are still living. I now stand, looking out for the messenger, the great teacher, death. My prayer, to-day, is that I may die with an honest, humble heart. If it would be arrogant in me to wish to resemble Ste

phen in my death—to have the Saviour in clear view; yet, let me humbly hope that Jesus will whisper in my ear, as he spoke to the dying thief— To-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise," and send his angels to carry me to Abraham's bosom; and may my soul, and my imperfect services, be esteemed and accepted through the blood of the Lamb.

PART OF A SPEECH,

DELIVERED AT SUFFIELD, CONNECTICUT, ON THE FIRST JUBILEE OF THE UNITED STATES.

1. Nothing is more true than that "man continues not in one stay :-the fashion of this world passeth away." The agricultural, mechanical, scientific, political and external—religious pursuits of men, are as constantly changing as the fashions of dress or the modes of speech. And the measures and manners, which border upon perfection, in the view of one generation, are highly censured, or totally condemned by the succeeding generation. *

**

Indeed the whole world has been like the troubled sea, which cannot rest. Nations have swallowed up nations, and kingdoms have devoured kingdoms, while the great mass of the people gain nothing but a change of masters. Had one short precept been attended to, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even the same unto others;" all this distress, slaughter and blood, would have been prevented. But, as virtue is its own reward, so vice is its own tormentor.

In this ungovernable passion for conquest, plunder and pre-eminence, some have risen to the glory of Solomon, the splendor of Ahasuerus, or the majesty of Nebuchadnezzar; while millions have been reduced to a state as abject as the hovel-tub of Diogenes, or the more painful condition of banishment and perpetual slavery. Not only so; but the same individuals, who have been the idols of the people, and worshipped as gods for a space, have afterwards been obnoxious, stripped of all, and slaughtered like beasts. "How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning!" was the exclamation over one of them.

2. The emigration of our ancestors from Europe to the wilds of America, in the year sixteen hundred and twenty, the hardships which they en. countered, the wars with the savages which they endured, the banishing of Quakers, whipping of Baptists, and hanging of witches; with the advances they made in agriculture and the arts for one hundred and forty years, I have to learn entirely from history; but as mine eyes have seen more than seventy autumnal suns, I have had opportunity of witnessing many events and changes that have taken place in this country, for more than fifty years.

The tales of cruelty and wo, which attended the French and Indian

war, which raged in and about seventeen hundred and sixty, sunk deep into my heart; nor has the impression been entirely eradicated as yet: the names Indian and Canada, are always inharmonious in mine ears.

This war between Great Britain and France, closed in seventeen hundred and sixty-three, by a treaty of peace: but peace between Britain and these Provinces, was soon interrupted. The claims of Britain that she had a right to tax these Colonies, without the consent of colonial representatives, the stamp act, the three-penny act on tea, the Boston Port Bill, stationing their troops in Boston, and killing some of the citizens of the town, were viewed by the provincials as tyrannical measures. While the remonstrances and petitions of the provincials were considered, in the British Parliament, as the effects of a restless, mutinous spirit, which must be awed into submission.

While this oral and paper controversy was progressing, some of the first orators that were ever on earth, rose up in the Provinces, to plead the rights of the people. Of these, Patrick Henry and James Otis, seemed to be foremost.

At length a British army was landed in Boston, and soon began the horrid work of fire and blood. At Lexington, the vein was opened that was not staunched for seven years. The Rubicon was now passed, and the provincials found that they must gain that by force, which they could not gain by remonstrance. The alarm became general: all the provinces felt interested; and by articles of confederation, united together in CONGRESS, they made the cause one.

The events of the revolutionary war, both in the field of battle and in the cabinet, need not to be related: they are yet in the memory of the aged, and in the books of the youth.

At the commencement of the war, independence was not talked of, if thought of; all that was aimed at, was a redress of grievances; but one thing led on to another, until independence was declared; which was finally acknowledged by, Great Britain, in the treaty of seventeen hundred and eighty-three.

3. The United States, having gained their main object, sounded the Jubilee trumpet, Washington and Liberty. The army was disbanded, and every man to his tent, O Israel! But to pay the expense of the war, and govern the states, in their general concerns, was beyond the reach of the confederation. A new modification of our political institutions was imperiously called for. For this purpose a convention, composed of delegates from the several states, assembled in Philadelphia, in seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, and after three months consultation, with closed doors, produced the Constitution of Government for the United States, which was partly confederate and partly consolidate. In the Senate it was confederate, the small states having an equal number with the large

ones. In the House of Representatives it was consolidate, the people at large being represented according to their numbers. The first attempt to choose a President was nearly consolidate, the last resort was confederate. The senatorial branch of the legislature was the executive council.

When this Constitution was submitted to the people for their adoption or rejection, it called forth all the talent and close study of the nation. I presume there never was a time when there was greater exertion made to harmonize the liberty of the citizen, with the energy of government.

That individuals, in entering into a social compact, must surrender some of their natural rights, for the preservation of the rest, was confessed by all; but to what extent the sacrifice must be made, was the question of debate. In this case the surrender of individuals and also of state authorities, were both included. After the Constitution had passed the ordeal of state conventions, it was finally ratified, with the expressions of strong desire, that some salutary amendments might be made to it, to prevent the abuse of power.

The first Congress, under this constitution, assembled in March, seventeen hundred and eighty-nine, and on the last of April following, George Washington, being elected President, appeared at Congress and was inaugurated.

4. The first Congress had a laborious task. To open the channels of revenue, fix the tariff, establish the judiciary, organize the government, provide for the payment of the debt and the defence of the nation, were objects of no minor exertions; but as arduous as the task was, Congress did not forget the request of the people. A number of salutary amend. ments were proposed by Congress, which being ratified by the state legislatures, eased the minds of thousands, who before had fears. The Federalists, who had voted for the adoption of the constitution, in its first form, and the anti-Federalists, who had voted against its adoption, now became united, and for a little space, the wheels rolled easily.

The encroachments on our trade, by European powers, particularly Great Britain, became insupportable. Some in Congress were for war; others for commercial restrictions; but the greater part with the Presi dent, preferred negociation. Accordingly, Chief Justice Jay was appointed plenipotentiary for the purpose. The nomination of Mr. Jay was confirmed by the Senate; but many questioned the constitutionality, of appointing a judicial officer to manage executive business; and as it was understood that he did not resign the office of judge, but drew his judicial salary, in addition to his nine thousand dollars per annum as envoy, it became somewhat clamorous.

When the treaty which he negociated became public, it was tested by public opinion and by Congress. The treaty of seventeen hundred and eighty-three, made provision for a restoration of property, (slaves,) on the