known except in shearing time, when their money is wanted to support teachers that they never hear. And all this must be done for the good of the state. One hundred and seventeen years ago, wearing long hair was considered the crying sin of the land: a convention was called, March 18, 1694, in Boston, to prevent it; after a long expostulation, the convention close thus: "If any man will now presume to wear long hair, let him know that God and man witnesses against him." Our pious ancestors were for bobbing the hair for the good of the colony, but now, sir, not the hair, but the purses must be lobbed for the good of the state. The petitioners pray for the right of going to heaven in that way which they believe is the most direct, and shall this be denied them? Must they be obliged to pay legal toll for walking the king's high-way, which he has made free for all? Is not this a greater subordination than to sail under British licenses, or to pay three pence on every pound of tea? In Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, of the old colonies, and in Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, the new states, there has never been any legal establishment of religion, nor any assessment to support Protestant Christianity, for the good of the states, and yet, sir, these states have stood and flourished as well as Massachusetts.

Since the Revolution, all the old states, except two or three in New England, have established religious liberty upon its true bottom, and yet they are not sunk with earthquakes, or destroyed with fire and brimstone. Should this commonwealth, Mr. Speaker, proceed so far as to distribute all settlements and meeting-houses, which were procured by public taxes, among all the inhabitants, without regard to denomination; it is probable that the outcry of sacrilege, profanity and infidelity would be echoed around; and yet, sir, all this has been done, in a state, which has given birth and education to a Henry, a Washington, a Jefferson and a Madison, each of which contributed their aid, to effect the grand event; for which event the Presbyterians and others prayed and gained. It is there believed, sir, that God hates robbery for burnt offerings, and ought not Massachusetts to pay a decent respect to the voice of fifteen of her sister states? We should imagine that laudable pride would prevent any one religious society from forcing another to pay her laborers, and that the same principle would not admit a public teacher to take money, collected by distraint, from those who did not hear him; but in this particular, we find that religion is made a covert to do that which common honesty blushes at!

Sir, it is not to disrobe towns of their corporate powers; no, let them go to heaven in such turnpike roads, and pay legal toll at every ministerial gate which they choose, and what can they wish for more? According to our best judgments, we cannot pay legal taxes for religious services, descending even to the grade of a chaplain for the legislature. It is disrobing Christianity of her virgin beauty—turning the churches of Christ into

creatures of state--and metamorphosing gospel ambassadors to state pensioners. If my information be correct, the town of Boston has enjoyed the liberty which we plead for, more than one hundred years, yet the inhabitants increase and are virtuous. Fifteen states, now in the Union, have all that we ask for, and is religion demolished in those states? Mr. Speaker, let gentlemen turn their eyes to the religious magazines, published in this state, by those who plead for law-regulated religion, and they will find, that while the editors in one page plead for the old firm of Moses and Aaron—ruler and priest; where the language is, "you comb my head and I'll scratch your elbows—you make laws to support me, and I'll persuade the people to obey you;" in the next page, they will narrate the wonderful works of God in those states wherein there are no religious laws, and indeed, wherein the inhabitants know that religious establishments and assessments, serve only to make one part of the community fools, and the other hypocrites—to support fraud, superstition and violence in the earth. Let Christianity stand upon its own basis, it is the greatest blessing that ever was among men ; but incorporate it into the civil code and it becomes the mother of cruelties.

It is questioned, Mr. Speaker, by good judges, whether it is possible for the legislature to execute the power vested in them, in the third article of the Declaration of Rights, without defeating the provision in the same article "that no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another, shall ever be established by law." I know not, sir, what can be done, but one thing is certain, it never has been done since the adoption of the constitution. Supposing, sir, it cannot be done, to which part of it ought the legislature to adhere ?—to that which supports partiality and injustice, or to that which secures right and equality; can any gentleman be at a loss?

Tyranny, Mr. Speaker, always speaks the same language. The tyrant of Ammon would be friendly to Israel, if he might put out their right eyes. The tyrant on the Nile would let his subjects go free, provided they would leave their flocks and herds behind.

Go serve the Lord, proud Pharaoh said,
But let your flocks and herds be staid—
Go serve the Lord, says Massachusetts,
But bow to Baal with your certificates.
You all may worship as you please,
But parish priest shall have your fees;
His preaching is like milk and honey—

And you shall pay our priest your money!

Mr. Chairman, if Christianity is false, it cannot be the duty of govern ment to support imposture; but if it be true, the following extracts are true: "The natural man receiveth not the things of God, neither can he know them; the world by wisdom know not God; none of the princes

of this world, know the genius of Christ's kingdom." If, sir, Christianity is true, these sayings are true; and if these sayings are true, natural men, as such, with all the proficiency of science, cannot understand the religion. of Christ; and if they cannot understand the subject, they must be very unfit to legislate about it. If, to escape this dilemma, we adopt the Papal maxim, that government is founded in grace, and, therefore, none but gracious men have a right to rule; and that these gracious rulers have both right and knowledge to legislate about religion, we shall find, what other nations have found, that these divine rulers, will be the most cruel tyrants: under this notion, Mr. Chairman, the crusades were formed in the eleventh century, which lasted about two hundred years, and destroyed nearly two millions of lives. In view of all this, and ten thousand times as much, is it to be wondered at, that the present petitioners, should be fearful of attaching corporate power to religious societies? These petitioners, sir, pay the civil list, and arm to defend their country as readily as others, and only ask for the liberty of forming their societies, and paying their preachers, in the only way that the Christians did for the first three centuries after Christ: any gentleman upon this floor, is invited to produce an instance, that Christian societies were ever formed, Christian sabbaths ever enjoined, Christian salaries ever levied, or Christian worship ever enforced by law, before the reign of Constantine; yet Christianity did stand and flourish, not only without the aid of the law and the schools, but in opposition to both. We therefore hope, Mr. Speaker, that the prayer of thirty thousand, on this occasion, will be heard, and that they will obtain the exemption for which they pray.

The second section of the bill before the house, I object to. It recognizes principles which are inadmissible—invests all non-corporate societies with corporate powers—puts the mischievous dagger into their hands, which has done so much mischief in the world, and presents no balm for the wounds of those who cry for help.*

The petitioners do not ask to be known in law, as corporate bodies, but, to be so covered, that religious corporate bodies shall not know, and fleece them; but, this section puts the knife into their hands against their wills; a knife, sir, which is more pestiferous than Pandora's box. The interference of legislatures and magistrates, in the faith, worship, or support of religious worship, is the first step in the case, which leads in regular progression to inquisition; the principle is the same, the only difference is in the degree of usurpation.

The bill has its beauties, and its deformities. One prominent defect of the bill, is, a crooked back; it makes a low stoop to his high mightiness, town-clerk, to pray for the indulgence of worshipping God; which is, and

* After the delivery of this speech, the bill passed some radical amendments.

ought to be guaranteed a natural and inalienable right; not a favor to be asked by the citizen, or bestowed by the ruler. It has also a disagreeable squinting; it squints to a purse of money with as much intenseness, as ever a drunkard does at the bottle, or as ever Eve did at the apple. Yes, Mr. Speaker, if there was no money to be got, we should never hear of these corporations. How strange it is, sir, that men, who make such noise about Christianity, should be afraid to trust the promise of God, unless they can have legal bondmen, bound by incorporation.

Government should be so fixed, that Pagans, Turks, Jews and Christians, should be equally protected in their rights. The government of Massachusetts, is, however, differently formed; under the existing constitution, it is not possible for the general court, to place religion upon its proper footing; it can be done, however, much better than it is done, either by the late decision of the bench, or by the adoption of the present bill, in its present shape; and the best which the constitution will admit of, is all that I seek for at present. I shall therefore take the liberty, at a proper time, to offer an amendment to the bill.

I shall no longer trespass on the patience of the house,

A

SHORT NARRATIVE

OF A

FIVE HOURS' CONFLICT,

ON THE NIGHT FOLLOWING THE 17th OF OCTOBER, 1811.

I am the man that have seen affliction by the rod of his wrath.

JEREMIAH.

In the summer of 1811, there appeared to be a gracious work among the people in Cheshire. I had my trials to bear; yet the circle which I trod, on the whole, was pleasant. My outward man was affected with a jaundiced debility, but my inward man was renewed day by day. By the last of September, I had baptized twenty-eight, and the work seemed to be prevailing; when suddenly I was stopped from my ministerial labors, and called to pass through a scene very afflictive. Whatever the disease might be called, it shocked my whole nervous system, and assailed my head with such pain that it deprived me of a great part of my hearing and power of speech. Whether my sickness was brought on by latent causes—by imprudent conduct—or by unavoidable events, is immaterial to my narrative. I was sorely attacked. When first seized, I had an impression riveted in my mind that I should be given up of the Lord, to pass through a doleful conflict; how long I could not tell. But whether this affliction was to come upon me for specific crimes committed, for a trial of my faith, or to prevent me from being exalted with pride, or falling into some other sin, I could not suggest. On entering this valley of the shadow of death, I teemed to be stripped of all my armor, which so lately I had gloried in. The God whom I had addressed and confided in; the Mediator, through whose blood and righteousness alone I hoped for pardon; the gospel of salvation, which revealed the only foundation of trust; and the spirit of prayer, which I preferred to all riches, were removed from my grasp; nor could I conceive that there was any happiness in the universe. In this state, however, I had a small hope, that God, in his own good time, would bring me back again to that circle which I had lately walked in;