looking, or betaken to of mine own choice, in English, or other tongue, prosing or versing, but chiefly this latter, the style, by certain vital signs it had, was likely to live. But much latelier in the private academies of Italy, whither I was favoured to resort, perceiving that some trifles which I had in memory, composed at under twenty or thereabout (for the manner is, that every one must give some proof of his wit and reading there) met with acceptance above what was looked for, and other things which I had shifted, in scarcity of books and conveniences, to patch up amongst them, were received with written encomiums, which the Italian is not forward to bestow on men of this side the Alps, I began thus far to assent both to them and divers of my friends here at home; and not less to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me, that by labour and intent study (which I take to be my portion in this life), joined with the strong propensity of nature, might perhaps leave something so written to after times, as they should not willingly let it die. These thoughts at once possest me, and these other; that if I were certain to write, as men buy leases, for three lives and downward, there ought no regard be sooner had than to God's glory, by the honour and instruction of my country."

I

His first treatise was published in 1641, the year following the assembling of the long Parliament. "On his return from travelling,' he tells in his second defence, "he found all mouths open against the bishops, some complaining of their vices, and others quarrelling at the very order; and thinking, from such beginnings, a way might be opened to true liberty, he heartily engaged in the dispute, as well to rescue his fellow-citizens from slavery, as to help the puritan ministers, who were inferior to the bishops in learning.' The subject of his first publication is sufficiently indicated in the title: Of Reformation in England, and the causes that hitherto have hindered it. These causes are arranged under three classes. The Antiquarians, the Libertines, and the Politicians, and their operation in times previous to his own day is briefly traced. Numerous passages every way worthy of the author of Paradise Lost

occur in the treatise; we can only make room for the following:

"But to dwell no longer in characterizing the depravities of the church, and how they sprung, and how they took increase; when I recall to mind at last, after so many dark ages, wherein the huge overshadowing train of error had almost swept all the stars out of the firmament of the church; how the bright and blissful reformation (by divine power) struck through the black and settled night of ignorance and Antichristian tyranny, methinks a sovereign and reviving joy must needs rush into the bosom of him that reads or hears; and the sweet odour of the returning gospel imbathe his soul with the fragrancy of heaven. Then was the sacred Bible sought out of the dusty corners where profane falsehood and neglect had thrown it; the schools opened, divine and human learning raked out of the embers of forgotten tongues, the princes and cities trooping apace to the new erected banner of salvation; the martyrs, with the unresistible might of weakness, shaking the powers of darkness, and scorning the fiery rage of the old red dragon.'

Archbishop Usher and Bishop Hall replied to Milton, and other Puritan writers, the former in the Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy, and the latter in an Humble Remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament. Our author's answers appeared with astonishing rapidity in the course of the same year, 1641. In the second defence of the people of England, which is full of materials for the biographer of Milton, he refers to these works, and to two others which he shortly afterwards published. "Afterwards, when two bishops of superior distinction vindicated their privileges against some principal ministers, I thought that on those topics, to the consideration of which I was led solely by my love of truth and my reverence of Christianity, I should not probably write worse than those, who were contending only for their own emoluments and usurpations. I therefore answered the one in two books, of which the first is inscribed concerning Prelatical Episcopacy and the other concerning the mode of Ecclesiastical Government; and I replied to the other in some Animadversions,.

and the existence of other Christians, it is pleasing to observe his opposition to the exercise of personal severity towards him. "Are we to punish them,” he asks, “by corporal punishments, or fines in their estates, on account of their religion? I suppose it stands not with the clemency of the gospel, more than what appertains to the security of the state."

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Here we should close our notice of Milton's works, had we not omitted one, perhaps the most beautiful of them all, because it does not belong to the class which our observations have inspected; on this we must be permitted to dwell for a moment. Every Englishman should be familiar with the " Arreopagitica; a speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing." It was published in 1644, and is admitted | by every competent judge to be one of the most masterly and elegant compositions in our language. Its object is to establish the freedom of the press in opposition to the imprimatur of the Presbyterians. These apostate patriots falsified their professions by engaging in an intolerant crusade against the principles which they promulgated in their season of adversity. "While the bishops were to be baited down," says Milton, "then all presses might be open; it was the people's birthright and privilege in time of parliament; it was the breaking forth of light. But now, the bishops abrogated and voided out of the church, as if our reformation sought no more but to make room for others into their seats in another name; the episcopal acts begin to bud again; the cruise of truth must run no more oil; liberty of printing must be enthralled under a prelatical commission of twenty; the privilege of the people nullified, and, which is worse, the freedom of learning must groan again, and to her old fetters." Milton was no anarchist. He would have the press unshackled, but he did not undertake the defence of those who abused its freedom. He wished security to be given to the public, by each author or his printer being rendered responsible for

any infringement of good order, or violation of the laws. The following passage, occurring in the early part of this beautiful treatise, is truly Miltonian :

concernment in the church and common“I deny not, but that it is of greatest wealth, to have a vigilant eye how books demean themselves as well as men; and thereafter to confine, imprison, and do sharpest justice on them as malefactors: for books are not absolutely dead things, but do contain a potency of life in them to be as active as that soul was whose pogeny they are; nay, they do preserve, as in a phial, the purest efficacy and extraction of that living intellect that bred them. I know they are as those fabulous dragons' teeth; and being lively, and as vigorously productive, as sown up and down, may chance to spring up armed men. And yet, on the other hand, unless weariness be used, as good almost kill a man as kill a good book : who kills a man, kills a reasonable creature, God's image; but he who destroys a good book, kills reason itself, kills the image of God, as it were, in the eye. Many a man lives a burden to the earth; but a good book is the precious life and treasured up on purpose to a life blood of a master spirit, imbalmed beyond life. It is true, no age can restore a life, whereof perhaps there is no great loss; and revolutions of ages do not oft recover the loss of a rejected truth, for the want of which whole nations fare the worse. We should be wary therefore what persecution we raise against the living labours of public men, how we spill that seasoned life of man, preserved and stored up in books; since we see a kind of homicide may be thus committed, sometimes a martyrdom; and if it extend to the whole impression, a kind of massacre, whereof the execution ends not in the slaying of an elemental life, but strikes at that etheral and essence, the breath of reason itself, slays an immortality rather than a life.”

Mr. Fletcher's Introductory Review is too laboured to be pleasing. It makes the impression of a man struggling as for life. The effort is painfully conspicuous, andconsequently destroys its own purpose. The composition is altogether too ambitious. A more chaste and dignified style would have better suited the majesty of Milton. Let us not however be misunderstood: while there are serious blemishes in our

author's mode of writing, there are also indications of a power equal to their correction. Let this be discreetly used, and Mr. F. will rank amongst a highly respectable class of writers.

The Case of the Dissenters, in a Letter addressed to the Lord Chancellor. London: E. Wilson. pp. 64.

A crisis has arrived in the religious history of our country. It has been visibly approaching for some time, and the friends of truth have been preparing for the struggle it would involve. The season for action,-for prompt, vigorous, and united action, is at length come. All personal partialities, therefore, must be laid aside-temporizing expedients must be abandoned, and the broad principle of a spiritual religion must be commended with persevering energy to the adoption of the legislature. It was generous and wise in the dissenters to suspend operations on their own behalf during the last session of parliament. Their aid was then given to the cause of humanity with a warmheartedness and zeal which mainly contributed to the emancipation of the Negroes. But their inaction now would be indicative of indifference. "Without their option, questions are coming on of the utmost moment to themselves and to religion; and they would not be thought true to either if they did not express themselves." Lord Grey's administration have announced their intention of bringing forward a measure of church reform in the ensuing session. The scheme is now under consideration. Its principles and details are being laid down, and the question therefore comes, and a most momentous one it is,-What should dissenters do? By what means may they best perfect their religious freedom, and promote the purity and extension of the Church of Christ?

When once the measures of the administration are formed, there is but little probability of our being able to induce any material alteration. Having pledged themselves to each other, and to various parties

interested in the question, their pride and honour will alike urge them to persist in this course. The first thing, therefore, which devolves on dissenters is, to memorialize the Government, stating respectfully but firmly their objection to the principle of a state-religion, and praying for the entire separation of the Church from the State. This should be done immediately, in every town and city of the empire. Petitions to parliament must subsequently be prepared, but let them not supersede this first and most important step. The Government should be told, and that directly from ourselves, what the character and extent of our

principles are. Let them have no excuse for saying they were ignorant on these points, and therefore imagined that, by correcting the more palpable abuses of the hierarchy they should satisfy the dissenting body. We are the more anxious on this point because we believe there are men, ranking as dissenters, who give a very different representation of the matter to some members of the government. If it be enough that a system of general registration be adopted, or some improvement effected in the marriage service, or some other equally trifling alteration be made, then we may be silent. These things will be effected without any movement on our part. But if we wish to free the church from the curse of a state alliance,-if we wish to remove the greatest hinderance to the progress of pure religion existing in our land,-if, in a word, we desire to vindicate the character of Christianity, and to render her the confidence and joy of our countrymen, then we must force on the legislature a knowledge of our principles, and a full conviction of our purpose to be faithful to them.

It were absurd to expect His Majesty's government to embody our principles in their bill, unless it be made clearly to appear that they are held by a large portion of the public. The ministers are church-ofEngland men, who have known little of dissenters but by the report of our enemies. They are surrounded by the spirit, and they

doubtless wish to retain the patronage, of the establishment. The question with them is mainly one of force. They feel the power of the church, but are ignorant of the strength of dissent. Let a demonstration of our forces, therefore, be made, and this so promptly as to influence the measures now under deliberation. There is a foolish confidence in ministers exercised in some quarters. We have heard persons say, and we wondered at their folly: "His majesty's go vernment will do what is right. They are honest and enlightened men. Trust to their wisdom, and all will be well." To such wiseacres it is obvious to reply: If their principles and views were exactly like our own, they would need our support in carrying them into operation; but if they differ, as differ they undoubtedly do, then a loud and unanimous expression of our sentiments is necessary to influence their consultations. Let us be but faithful to ourselves, and the sacred cause which God has committed to our hands cannot but

succeed.

We are looking with much anxiety towards the united committee formed in London, some time since, for the purpose of promoting the interests of dissenters. We had hoped they would have done much before this, but diligence may yet redeem them from disgrace. We have heard rumours of division amongst its members, and that on principles of the last importance. This we can scarcely believe. No gentleman, surely, who did not disapprove of the principle of a state religion, would allow himself to belong to such a body.

It

"It (the voluntary principle in opposition to the compulsatory) will not work, it is said, so efficaciously. This, as a general assertion, is so strange and so directly in the teeth of evidence that one is disposed to ask, Can we and our opponents be agreed on the import of the term? If by not being so efficacious is meant, that it will not so readily provide some 12, 20, or 30,000l. per annum for the bishop or archbishop, that it will not provide for some 4000 clergy without cure of souls; that it will not supply some 300,000l. for sinecure allowances, then undoubtedly it is not so efficacious, but if it is meant that it will not so well provide the means of instruction and worship to the people, then we wonder at the boldness which can commit any man to the declaration. The facts, my Lord, are all on one side. In London, and its adjacent boroughs, we have 459 places of worship; of these, though London is the strong hold of churches, 265 are dissenting, and only 194 are established places. Dissent has spread over the country about 8000 chapels, besides school-houses and preaching-rooms; it has provided for the respectable education and sustenance of a ministry, commensurate with this demand; while it has done this, it has been made to contribute its proportion towards the support of an endowed church; and yet it has, as if refreshed by its exertions, greatly surpassed that church in its contributions of service and money to those great efforts of Christian benevolence which are not of a sectarian but of a general character.

But it is urged, that the voluntary principles will not work uniformly; that though it should provide for the large towns, it could not carry the means of religion into our small villages and agricultural districts. There is something plausible in this argument, and it rests on many conscientious minds as a real difficulty. A simple question or two is sufficient, however, to rectify the judgment. If, by preference, any parts of our country were selected as poor and thinly populated, they would be Cornwall and Wales. Who has carried religion over these unpromising districts,the endowed or the dissenting teacher? One more question : There are in England