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" and educated, without being forced, (as they have been " hitherto,) to come to England for that purpose, at an ex.
pense which they can ill support, and with the hazard 6 of their healths and lives in a long sea-voyage, which has “ been already fatal to many of them. Till this important “ measure is adopted, and carried into effectual execution,
by establishing a proper number of bithops in America, “ with revenues suitable to the dignity of their office and “ station, the church of England (though it is, in point of “ right and law, the only established church in America,)
may be truly said to be in fact in a state of persecution or " oppreslion, while every other denumination of protestants
enjoys the highest degree of liberty: which is an event " of a singular nature, and contrary to the example of all
other governments in the world; as they always take care “ to provide suitable encouragements and supports for the “ several religions they think fit to adopt and establish. It “ is fit, therefore, that England should, at last, follow the “ same just policy, and that every encouragement that the “ British government can afford to any religion in America “ should be afforded to that of the church of England.
“ As to what relates to the persons who have engaged in " this wicked and unnatural rebellion, we, that are ministers “ of the gospel of peace and mercy, should, if we were to “ follow the inclinations of our hearts, rejoice to see those “ offenders discharged, at the close of these troubles, with no “ other punishment or reproof, than our Saviour's exhorta" tion to the woman taken in adultery, 'Go, and fin no “ more.' But policy and prudence forbid so mild a con“ duct, and make it necessary to the fulure safety and tran
quillity of the state, that many of those who have been “ most guilty in exciting this rebellion in America should “ receive due punishment for their crimes by the sentence "s of those laws which they have so wantonly and atrociously “ violated. The members of the Continental Congress in
66 of fermon.
particular, who have paffed the vote of Independance, " and thereby themselves renounced, and instigated their
countrymen to renounce, the allegiance due to the king's “ sacred majesty, must be considered as having offended be
yond all hopes of mercy ; which, if it were extended to “ offenders of that deep malignity, might be justly censured “ as weak and dangerous, and injurious to the publick wel. “ fare. For it would counter-act the good effects of the “ successes with which God hath been pleased to bless our “ arms in this unbappy contest, and would render precari“.ous the future peace and tranquillity of the American " colonies, and the future authority of Great-Britain over “ them,(by which alone that tranquillity can be preserved,) “ by preventing the existence of the strongest of all secu« rities for the continuance of those blessings, to wit, the “ terror arising froin the fight and memory of a severe and “ extensive execution of the laws against those wlio have so “ wickedly overthrown them. These very great offenders, “ therefore, together with the principal members of the " several provincial asemblies, or conventions, that have
usurped the government of their respective provinces since “ the general rejection of his Majesty's lawful authority,
we must now prepare ourselves to see punished in the
manner the laws direct, in order to insure to future gene-, “ rations the advantages of peace and harmony between
Great Britain and the American colonies, with a due sub« ordination of the latter to the parental authority of the “ former, which, by God's blessing on his Majesty's arms,
are likely now soon to be eltablished.”
This I take to be a fair and moderate interpretation of the above-mentioned passage of the Archbishop of York's
sermon. The seven propositions, or regulations, herein before distinctly set-forth in the first part of the foregoing paraphrase, are those which I conceived, upon reading the said passage of that sermon, the archbishop muft have had in his mind at the time he wrote it, and would have set forth and avowed, if he had been under a necessiiy of pointingout distinctly what those remedies of the political disorders in America were, which, he says, Necesity will now at last provide, though Foresight did not. And I am confident that no American that reads that sermon, will conceive it 10 mean less.-And, as to the latter propositions concerning the state of the church of England in Anierica, and the necessity of establishing tythes there, or some other legal and general payments, (to be made by all the inhabitants of America, as well as by the members of the church of England,) for the maintenance of the clergy of the church of England, and likewise of establishing bishops there ;-I say, as to these latter propositions, they are expressly contained in the Archbishop's own words, which cannot be made intelligible, or consistent with themselves, by any other interpretation.—Nor can the last paragraph of the aforesaid passage of the Archbishop's sermon, in which he says concise
“ That the interests of great sates require securities that are not precarious,” be well supposed to have a less extensive meaning than that which is above ascribed to it.
There is also another very remarkable passage in that sermon of the Archbishop of York, which relates to a most respectable body of people here in England itself; I mean the protestant dissenters. These people have so far incurred his grace’s displeasure, by expressing a disapprobation of the measures that have been taken against America, that he treats them as the worst enemies of government, and declares that the severc laws which were formerly made
against papists in the reigns of queen Elizabeth and king James I. in consequence of their frequent plots to dethrone and affaffinate the former, and of the famous gunpowder plot in the beginning of the reign of the latter, (by which they desigued to destroy at once the king and both houses of parliament,) rught now to be extended to these new, but equally dangerous, domestick enemies. The passage in which this sentiment is conveyed, is in these words.
66 When a feet is established, it usually becomes a party in the jiale; “ it has its interests ; it bas its animofities ; logetber with
a system of civil opinions, by which it is distinguished, of
least as much as by its religious. Upon these opinions, .“ wben contrary to the well-being of the community, the au
thority of the state is properly exercised. “ The laws enacted against papists have been extremely Jevere : but they were not founded on any difference in T
ligious sentiments. The reasons upon wbich they were “ founded were purely political.
“ Tbe papists acknowledged a sovereignty different from " that of tbe state; and some of the opinions which they main“ tained made it impossible for them to give any security for “ their obedience. We are usually governed by traditional “ notions, and are apt to receive the partialities and aversions “ of our fathers. But new dangers may arise: and, if at апу
time another denomination of men pould be equally dangerous to our civil interests, it would le justifiable to lay them under similar refiraints.'
I presume it can hardly be doubted that the meaning of the laft sentence of this paffage, when turned into still plainer English, is as follows. “ The presbyterians and other pro• teftant diflenters of England are at this day as much ene“ niies to government, and as dangerous to our civil « interests, as the papists were in the reigns of queen Elizabeth and king Jaines I. when those severe laws were " made against them. Therefore it is now equally just and “ necessary to make the like laws against the faid protestant « diflenters."
This is a strange accusation to be brought against that body of men in England who have, of all others, been most uniformly and zealously attached to the government of the princes of the house of Hanover, ever fince the first moment of their accession to the throne of these kingdoms !-and for no other crime but expressing a disapprobation of the wild and dangerous project of attempting to govern three millions of people, at the distance of three thousand miles, in a manner they did not like, by means of a great army, composed in part of hired foreigners ;-a project which was likely to be almost equally pernicious to Great Britain, whether it did, or did not, succeed. For, if it had succceded, it would have increased the power and influence of the crown (which are already generally thought to be too great,) in so great a degree as to have rendered the liberties of England itself precarious, or dependant on the personal character and virtues of the king upon the throne ; and it would likewise have occasioned a prodigious additional annual expense to Great-Britain, to maintain the army which would have been neceffary to keep America in subjection, after it had been fubdued ;-an expense which would have far exceeded all the taxes that could have been raised for that purpose in America, together with all the profits that Great-Britain could have derived from the preservation and monopoly of its trade. And, if it did not fucceed, (which was much the more likely event, and that which we now see and feel, has happened,) it was likely to be attended with the total loss of the colonies of North-America, (which would in such a case make themselves independ