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pence, one other' year will purchase him another day of lia berty; and the heaviest balf of his talk is then accomplished.

He is now half free, beginning to feel a proportionate consequence, and may probably increase his own enjoyments a little more. Adınitting this, in two years, or two years and a half, more, he may compleat the full purchase of his freedom; but if, instead of fix years, it should even take them seven, eight, or nine, years, it would be far better for them than if they had their full liberty and freedom at once; and, being the work of their own hands, by favour of their master, it inculcates two good principles: industry, with a true knowledge of its value, from which it is likely to become babitual; and gratitude to their matter, whose work they will theit be happy to do as free servants. Nor have I much doubt but that the pleasing hope of such liberation, while they are gaining it by degrees, will afford them nearly, if not quite, as much comfort as the final attainment of it. Al any rate, the gradual acquirement of it will be the best means to prevent their being madly intoxicated at the completion. They will know the value betier, and will have gained fach habits of industry and frugality as to insure their future welfare. The owner receives the full value, with an ample interest, from the work done for him, and will also enjoy the high mental gratification of liberating a fellow-creature from slavery.

In the account of my farm in the state of New-York, I have mentioned the mode I adopted there for liberating those I purchased, which was as similar 10 the foregoing as the difference of cliniate and country would permit; and the gentlemen, with wliom I left them upon the farm, engaged 10 fulfil and pursue the same plan.

I aliow that the bulk of the Naves employed in the WestIndia plantations have the appearance of being but a few degrees above the brute creation ; but it is their situation

which makes them fo. Teach them better by good usage, and stimulate them to induftry by sweetening their bitter cup with a cheering prospect of obtaining their liberty; and they will soon exhibit sufficient proof of their capacity to de. serve and enjoy it. At our family-devotions on Sundays, my negroes, whom I called-in to attend likewise, could scarcely conceive what was proposed; yet in a short time, from receiving the best instructions in my power, and perceiving, in my address to the one Almighty God, that they were considered as equal in his eye, according to their deferts, they attended, with earnesiness and gratitude, to be better informed of their dependence on his Providence for the comforts of this life, with the hope of a better hereafter. These were circumstances, concerning which their former owners had never given them the smallest instruction.

I must acknowledge there was one thing respecting the negroes in some parts of America, which aftonished me much; nor was I ever able to account for it to my own satisfaction : but truth requires it to be mentioned. On the subject of lavery, every feeling heart will naturally fympathize for the parent whose mind, we suppose, muft. be tortured with agony when he considers his children born to perpetual Navery; yet how shall we account for the very common practise, among the free negroes in America, of preferring to marry Nave-wenches, by which they make all their children llaves ? The fact is so ; and the only reason I could learn, or can assign, for it, is that they value not their liberty at the price of their maintenance." But possibly this may arise from the long degradation of their minds, which a more liberal treatment and enlightening education might correct and bring-back to a natural sense of parental duties,

END OF MR. HARRIOTT'S CHAPTER ON NEGRO-SLAVERY.

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THE PRE-EMINENCE AND DUTÝ

OF

PARLEMENT.

Written in the year 1646, by James Howell, Esq.

The following discourse on the English Parliament is the first section of a political tract written about the year 1646, by James Howell, Esquire, an eminent writer of that time, who was attached to the party of King Charles the First, in the time of that Great Civil War, and was imprisoned in the Fleet-prison during several years by order of the Parliament, on account of such attachment to the Royal cause : but after the restoration of King Charles the Second, he was made Historiographer royal to that King; and in the yearr '61, he publifhed at London a small volume in duodecimu; containing twelve small tracts, relating to the causes of the late civil wars and revolutions in England, Scotland, and Ireland, which he had written many years before at different times, in the course of the said Civil War. In this volume, page 343, &c. I met with this description of the nature and powers of the English Parliament, which, I thought, exhibited fo just and lively a picture of the advantages belonging to the Limited Monarchy of England, under a king and two houses of Parliament, that I resolved to present it to my readers in this miscellaneous collection of small tracts relating chiefly to political subjects.

F. M.

I am a free-born subject of the realm of England; whereby 1 claim, as my native inheritance, an undoubted right, propriety, and portion in the Laws of the Land : and this distinguisherh me from a Nave, I claim likewise Prote&tion from my soverain Prince; who; as he is iny liege Lurd, is obliged to prote&t me; and I, being one of his liege people, am obliged to obey him, by way of reciprocation. I claim also an interest and common right in the High National Court of Parlement, and in the power, the priviledges, and jurisdiction thereof, which I put in equal ballance with the Laws, in regard it is the fountain whence they Spring; and this I hold also to be a principal part of my Birth right: wbich Great Council I bonour, respect, value and love in as high a degree as can be, as being the bul. wark of our liberties, the main boundary and bank which keeps us from Navery, from the inundation of tyrannical rule, and unbounded will-government.

And I hold myself obliged in a tye of indispenlable obedience, to conform and submit myself to whatsoever shall be transacted, concluded, and constituted by its authority, in Church or State, with the Royal assent, whether it be by making, enlarging, altering, diminishing, disannulling, repealing, or reviving, of any law, statute, act, or ordinance whatsoever, either touching matters ecclefiaftical, civil, common, capital, criminal, martial, maritime, municipal, or any other; of all which the transcendent and uncontrollable jurisdiction of that Court is capable to take cognizance.

Amongst the three things which the Athenian Captain thanked the gods for, one was, that he was born a Grecian, and not a Barbarians (for such was the vanity of the Greeks, and, after them, of the Romans in the flourish of their monarchy, as to arrogate all civility to themselves, and to terme all the world besides Barbarians:) so I may say that I rejoyce, that I was born a vassall to the Crown of England; that I was born under so well moulded and tempereda Government, which endows the subject with such Liberties and infranchisements that bear-up his naturall courage, and keep bim still in heart such Liberties that fence and secure him eternally from X 3

the

the gripes and tallons of Tyranny :- And all this may be inputed to the Authority and wifedome of this High Court of Parlement, wherein there is such a rare co-ordination of power (though the Soveraignty remain still entire, and untransferrable, in the person of the Prince) there is such a wholfom mixture 'twixt Monarchy, Optimacy, and Democracy, 'twixt Prince, Peers, and Commonalty, during the time of consultation, that of fo many distinct parts, by a rare co-operation and unanimity, they make but one Body politick, (like that theafe of arrows in the Emblem) one entire concentricall peece, the King being still the Head, and the results of their deliberations but as fo many harinonious diapasons arising from different strings. And what greater immunity and happinesse can there be to a Peeple, than to be liable to no Laws but what they make themselves : to be subject to no contribution, affelsement, or any pecuniary erogations whatsoever, but what they Vote, and voluntarily yeeld unto, themfelves : for in this compacted politick Body, there be all degrees of people represented; both the Mechanick, Tradesman, Merchant, and Yeoman have their inclusive Vote, as well as the Gentry, in the persons of their Trustees, their Knights and Burgesses, in palfing of all things.

Nor is this Soveraign Surintendent Council an Epitome of this Kingdom only, but it may be faid to have a representation of the whole Universe; as I heard a fuent, wellworded, Knight deliver the last parliament, who compared the beautifull composure of that High Court to the great work of God, the World itself; the King is as the Sun, the Nobles the fixed Stars, the Itinerant Judges and other Officers (that go upon Messages 'twixt both houses) to the Planets ; the Clergy, to the Element of Fire; the Commons, 10 thc folid Body of Earth, and the rest of the Elements. And, to pursue this comparison a little farther; as the hea

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