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errours in a good government, and in a bad, are equally almost incident ; for what magistrate may not be misinformed, and much the fooner, if liberty of printing be reduced into the power of a few? But to redress willingly, and speedily, what hath been erred, and in highest authority, to esteem a plain advertisement, more than others have done a sumptuous bride, is a virtue (honoured Lords and Commons !) answerable to your highest actions, and whereof none can participate but greatest and wiseft men.


To the PRINTER of the Public ADVERTISER.


May 7, 1793 I HAVE lately seen a work written by M. De Sainte Croix, who was Secretary of state for foreign affairs to the late innocent and unfortunate King of France, Lewis the Sixteenth, on the roth of August last, when his Palace of the Thuillerics at Paris was assaulted, and his faithful Swiss guards were murdered by a furious mob of banditti, who were determined to convert the monarchical government of France, limited and weak as it was, into a pure republick. The book is entitled, “ A History of the Conspi

гасу of the Republicans of Paris against the then subsi fisting Government, which broke-out on the joth of

August, 1792;” and contains many proofs of a defign, carried-on for several months together, to embarrass and degrade, and ultimately to overthrow, the regal part of the Conflitutional Government, which had been established, by the first National Assembly. In prosecution of this design, it was the constant employment of the writers of Republican news-papers to blacken the King's character and conduct in the eyes of the people, by ascribing to him views which he never entertained, aor, (from the forupulous integrity, which now appears to have governed.all his actions,) was capable of entertaining, and measures in which he had no concern. In particular it was given-cut



that he sent money to some of the gentlemen who had formerly been of his life-guard, to encourage them to serve in the army of the emigrants under his brothers, the Counts of Provence and Artois, and join with the Austrians and Pruffians under the Duke of Brunswick in the invasion of France in last July, 1792 ; and it was also said that he was privy to, and encouraged, the treaty of Pilni:z in the preceeding summer, 1791, between the Emperour of Germany, Leopold II. and the King of Prusia, which was supposed to have been made with a view to an invalion of France, and a re-establishment of the former abfoluie regal government. Now the virtuous Lewis was innocent of both these charges. He had, indeed, continued to many of his old life-guard-men their former pay: but it was out of mere bounty and gratitude to them for their former services, and upon an exprefs condition that they fhuld continue to refide in France, and should produce certificates of their doing so to the person from whom they were to receive the money, which made it impossible for them to serve in the emigrants army. This was proved at the trial of the unfortunate monarch, by a written document produced by M. De Seze, one of his counsel, and of which the authenticity has never been disputed; and now it is confirmed by a testimony of M. De Sainte Croix, one of the King's ministers of state ; who likewise informs us that the King had no concern in the treaty of Pilnitz, and was extremely uncaly at the thoughts of an invasion of his kingdom by German, or any foreign, armies, for the purpose of effecting a counter-revolution, and restoring him to his former power.

The passages of Monsieur De Sainte Croix's book which relate to these subjects are as follows:

« On the 7th of last August, 1792, that is, three days before the attack made on the palace of the Thuilleries,




' the King, in a conference I had with him, in which he * mentioned this subject of his own accord, showed me a pa: per, which proved that ever since the last months of the

preceeding year, 1791, no payments had been made

to those life-guarıl-men, even of the arrears that had 6. become due before that lime, witbout authentick certifi

cates of their having a known residence in France. I • have had the original order of the King made for this • purpose, and which was all written in his own hand

writing, in my hands, and, froin having read it, can ' attest that this was the purport of it.'

The next passage relates to the King's endeavours to prevent any hostile attempts against France from the neighbouring powers on the Continent, and is as follows:

' All the political cabinets of Europe will bear witness to the spirit of peace and conciliation which constantly

governed the King of France in all his transactions with ! foreign powers

If his enemies should blame the use • he made of his influence at the Court of Vienna, I can

answer, that he was so far from making the use they ' would suggest of this influence, that, so long ago as the • spring of the year 1791, he prevented the execution of ' a secret plan that had been settled at Mantua for invading • France about two months after, when the French armies

were as yet incompleat, and the frontiers of the kingdom "undefended. And in the summer of the same year 1791, , 'he prevented the effects of the treaty of Pilnitz; and in 'the autumn of the same year he concerted measures with

the Emperous for keeping all the troops and military • preparations that had lately been making near the Rhine, s from passing that river towards the eastern frontier of

France. That these things are so, I, (who have been the

King's minister for foreign affairs, and must therefore I be supposed to have been acquainted with them,) do

• positively

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positively assert. Let the King's enemies, if they pre. • tend to doubt of them, publish the papers of the King's . foreign correspondence, which their mobs carried-off by

furce from the palace of the Thuilleries on the fatal roth

of August. I challenge them to do so: for the Publick • will then see the most indisputable proofs of the repeated • and most earneft endeavours of the King to avoid this • war with the powers of Germany, which was first pro:

voked, and, afterwards absolutely brought-on and en*gaged-in by those very persons who now have the auda

city to lay the blame of it upon him. They seem to think it poffible for us to have furgot that the National

Assembly passed a decree of accusation against one of the • King's Ministers, Monficur de Leffart, merely because he • had avoided entering into the war; and that the republi

can party, by threatning the King with the dangers of • another insurrection at Paris, forced him to admit to the

office, which that Minister was obliged to quit, another person who was devoted to their views, Monsieur du

Mouriez, and who foon managed matters in such a way,

as to make the entering into that war a measure of ab• folute neccflity. As to the King himself, he nerer * considered war in any other light than as a fresh source * of publick confusions and misfortunes; and, instead of ( wishing for a counter-revolution, he dreaded it as an • occasion of committing new crimes that would further

difhonour the nation; and he used his utmost endeavours • to prevent any interference of foreign powers in the • domestick concerns of France. Alas! how little is his

character understood ! the only objects of his wishes are, i to see a stop to the present confusions and political dir* fensions of France, a return of the blessings of domestick

peace and good order, and, above all, a revival of the people's good opinion of him, and confidence in the

• purity

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