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Leaving then the operation of the Scots banks to the judgment of the Public, we will attend to the Weaver's account of the diftress of the linen trade. • Great Britain, fays he, pays in grofs, about twelve millions yearly, in taxes; or, about fifty fhillings yearly, for every living foul in the island. Ireland is alfo greatly taxed. She maintains an army and civil establishment, more expensive than any nation in Europe, in proportion to the numbers of her people. Germany, after profiting by the millions fpent by Great Britain in the late war, enjoys perfect tranquillity. Though articles of luxury, in fome districts, and the foil itself, be taxed, the fubfiftence of the labourer is no where taxed. He can live and fupport his family for fix-pence per day, over all Germany; in Great Britain and Ireland, he can barely do it for nine-pence per day. It will appear a paradox, but it is nevertheless true, that this circumftance confidered, labour and manufactures are cheaper in Britain than in any other European country. The fuperior capitals, the fkill of our people, and the invention of machinery, has, in fome degree, compenfated for our heavy taxes in all our manufactures; and in those where machinery can be employed to the greatest advantage, they fully make up for the dearnefs of labour. Unhappily, Sir, the linen manufacture either admits lefs of this than the hardware; or at least, has been lefs the subject of invention. So far however seems certain, that deducting taxes, our labour is as cheap, as in any other European nation."

The Author proceeds farther to explain the difadvantage the linen trade labours under; as follows:

How comes it that the woollen and hardware manufactures go on fuccefsfally, both which must be equally affected by our taxes, whilft the linen manufacturers are teizing the legislature, year after year, for bounties on their own linens, and duties on foreign linens? The answer is obvious.-The two firft enjoy a complete monopoly, both of the home confumption and the exportation to America.-Let the fame experiment be tried with the linen, for seven years, and there will be found no occafion for bounties.-Parliament will be no more troubled with applications. This fingle measure would, in an inftant, raise the linen trade to a magnitude and importance equal, perhaps fuperior, to the woollen manufacture, great and important as that now is.-If there be, therefore, no means of employing our people in other branches of bufinefs, and if the linen manufacture cannot employ them without parliamentary protection; they must either receive that fupport, which will enable them to fubfift in Britain; or they muft and will emigrate.'

As it is impoffible to attend to every thing the Scots Weaver alleges in fupport of his opinion, we shall produce his propofal for a remedy.

• The question now, Sir, is, what natural and proper remedy can be applied to this disorder?-Bounties have been propofed.-I confefs, feveral difficulties occur to this plan.-Firft, bounties, as hitherto given, go only to exportation; whereas, we shall shew hereafter, that the first and natural object of every country fhould be to fupply the demand at home.-Secondly, bounties are the mother of


taxes. You can only give encouragement in this way, by firft impofing a tax to pay it, which tends to the increafe of wages, and confequently, to raise the price of manufacturing labour.-Thirdly, the bounty is only giving money to America, by felling linens fo much cheaper than they could otherwife get them: it is, therefore, an abfurd policy; as it is fupplying them with the produce of British taxes, in the price of linens, at the very time that it is found neceffary to tax them for the fupport of government. I will therefore lay afide this plan entirely, and beg leave, in anfwer to the question, to fay, that the natural and proper remedy is this-Lay on fuch a duty upon foreign linens as will enable thofe of the British and Irish manufacture to find a preference in our home confumption; and when the foreign linen, fhall, by this means, be entirely excluded from fale here, and the quantity of our own increased so much as to enable us to participate in the exportation trade; then lay on fuch duties upon the foreign linens fhipped from hence for foreign parts, as will fecure our linen a preference; and finally, when our quantity equals both the home and foreign demand, prohibit all German and other foreign linens whatsoever.'

He then confiders fome objections to this regulation, which occur in Mr. Glover's fpeech; but thefe would lead us too far: we must therefore refer the Reader who wishes to confider the fubject minutely, to the pamphlet.

One particular indeed we cannot overlook, as he advances a pofition against Mr. Glover, that we must confefs ourselves unable to reconcile with our notions of commerce.

It has, he obferves, been faid that we ought not to encourage manufactures for internal trade. "Traffic between subject and subjec cannot be productive of any national wealth; and it is only by exporting produce and manufactures that wealth is received." From what fchool Mr. Glover has learnt this doctrine, I will not pretend to conjecture; for the honour of Scotland, I hope, it was not there; I will prefume it to be a fpecimen of his "common fenfe," which that country is fo totally devoid of; may they ever remain fo!-In that country the opinion is, that the foreign trade of this and of every great nation is trifling, both in point of extent and advantage to the flate and the individual, when compared with its internal trade.—

• Great Britain contains above five millions of people: these people fubfift at an expence of, at leaft, eight pounds per head. Here is then an internal trade of at least forty millions yearly. But how does this enrich ?—I anfwer, the riches of a country confift in the riches of the individuals in that country; and if these will increase without foreign trade, the country will grow richer.'

Nothing that follows tends to cftablish this principle. Some individuals may indeed grow rich at the expence of other individuals, according as property may fluctuate; but if the collective stock of money in the nation, receives no increase, how can the country grow richer? Industry and circulation may be promoted to a certain degree; and fo far a nation may be conceived to grow rich in products of its own raifing: but when internal trade has once arrived to the pitch of fully fupplying internal confumption, the collective flock of

riches will then be at a ftand; nor can any acceffion of wealth accrue, unless a furplus of commodities is raised and exported, to draw home riches from foreign parts.

This principle however has no great relation to the main object of the pamphlet: and fo far from deciding pofitively between Mr. Glover and the Weaver, it appears more than probable that to conceive the whole truth, we must attend, with due caution, to both their reprefentations.

Art. 16. A Letter humbly fubmitted to the Perufal and Confideration of the Electors and People of England. By a Gentleman. 8vo. 1 S. Baldwin. 1774.

This gentleman exhorts us with great earnestness to prevent the ruin of the nation, by ftemming the torrent of corruption; and even flatters himself with the expectation of feeing his exhortations take effect. If, fays he, there is fufficient virtue remaining in us, and I trust there is, to withstand every temptation that may be offered to bias our inclinations; and to explore and avoid every art and fnare that may be laid by the bafeft flaves at the enfuing election, to lure us to our ruin in fhort, if we elect a free and virtuous parliament, we shall foon difcover the good effects arifing from our choice; in the place of our prefent grievances and oppreffions, from the wifdom, and rectitude of their fanctions, concord will appear, brooding peace and profperity on the happy land. Such a parliament will not multiply taxes wantonly, nor keep up thofe unneceffarily, which neceffity has impofed before. Such a parliament will not fuffer the national debts to increase and continue by all forts of political and other profufions. Such a parliament will give cafe and encouragement to our manufactures at home, will affift and protect our trade abroad, will improve and keep in heart the national colonies, like fo many farms of their mother country. Then will joy appear fitting in every face, content in every heart; we shall then find no occafion to be alarmed or disturbed; whilft we are employed bufily improving our private property and public ftock, fleets will cover the ocean, bringing home wealth by the returns of induftry, carrying affistance or terror abroad, by the direction of wifdom, and afferting triumphantly the right and honour of Great Britain as far as the waters roll, and as the winds can waft them.'

This is quite poetical; but if this gentleman can bring himself to think that either candidates or electors, will have grace enough to reform their practices at mere perfuafion, he will be wofully mistaken. Nothing less than the coercion of penal laws will keep even legiflators themselves within the line of their public duty; and we havi thefe laws, though we have not virtue enough to enforce them as we ought to do. How much they really are regarded, will appear when we confider that fome of the most strenuous declaimers againft corruption, procure their reprefentative character by the practice of it. If therefore our Author, instead of recommending affociations for the purpose of fupporting gentlemen of virtue, honour, and integrity," could establish two or three focieties in different boroughs, for the purpose of pursuing, to the utmost exaction of the penalties, thofe candidates who corrupt electors, he would do more toward checking the



evil, than if he were to write fifty pamphlets on the subject, and diftribute them gratis at all places of polling throughout Great Britain. Art. 17. An Addrefs to Proteftant Diffenters of all Denominations,

on the approaching Election of Members of Parliament, with respect to the State of Public Liberty in general, and of American Affairs in particular. 8vo. 2 d. or 50 Copies for 5 s. Johnfon. 1774

There is more fubftance in this little tract, than in many of ten times its bulk. As the price is fo fmall-the Reader who has a curiofity to know the contents of this new crifis, may be easily gratified; and therefore we shall only, in this general way, recommend it to the perufal of all friends to the liberties of this country.


Art. 18. A General View of the East India Company's Situation, fubmitted to the impartial Confideration of the Public. By an Old Proprietor. 4to. I s. I s. Wilkie. 1774.

The fituation of the East India Company is difcuffed by a feries of questions which are refolved by exhibiting averages of annual accounts for forty years backward; the refult of which is contained in the following fummary:


I. The Company's exports of British
manufactures have increased

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II. Its exports of bullion have decreased
III. Its commerce has been extended

IV. The customs arifing from its trade
have increased

· V. It has fince 1708, contributed to the
public fervice, over and above its an-
nual duties,

VI. For the defence of its trade and fet-
tlements, it maintains a ftanding force,
confifting of 55,015 in number, and for
the fame effential purpose, it hath ex-
pended in its own fortifications and

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E. 346,259 per annum. 295,852 ditte. 1,198,089 ditto.

359,881 ditto.

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VII. and lastly,-That its comparative fituation fince the year 1708 (exclufive of the above fum of 2,743,669.) is better by 8,890,120 fterling.' As a review of the Company's fituation, this is weighed in the mercantile balance of profit and lofs; the conduct of the Directors, and of their fervants, is no otherwife noticed, than by way of favourable inference from these flourishing premifes. One particular accufation only, is touched on the immenfe fums unneceffarily lavished in fortifications and buildings'-and this is artfully waved: 'fhould it be asked, fays he, why the authors of fuch abuses have not been called to a proper account? their conduct having undergone a parliamentary inquiry, the answer muft come from thence."



Art. 19. All the Preferiptions contained in the New Practice of Phyfic of Thomas Marryat, M. D. Tranflated into English. By J. S. Dodd, Surgeon and Man-midwife, &c. A Work of great Utility, &c. I 2mo. 2 s. 6d. Kearfley. 1774




Through a chriftian difpofition,' it feems, to provide for the relief of the diftreffed,' this good man, Mr. J. S. Dodd, has readily vamped up or manufactured a book, by collecting and tranflating Dr. Marryat's prefcriptions, which are arranged under the difeafes to which they refpectively belong. To each of thefe lifts of prefcriptions is prefixed, as he fays, an accurate defeription of the symptoms of the feveral difeafes; by which,' we are affured, they may be known from each other.' Each of these luminous defcriptions he has had the art to draw up and condenfe generally within the compass of three or four lines, or at the utmost, in about half a score. To each of thefe claffes of prefcriptions he has likewife fubjoined, by way of tail-piece, about as many lines, under the title of remarks; in which the reader is to be inftructed when, and how, to difpenfe them. After having taken all these pains for the good of mankind,' this difintorefted philanthropist here prefents them with the fruits of his great labours; and, with fingular modefty, recommends his work to the public, as the beft family phyfician and furgeon, yet extant, in any language!


We need not difcufs the utility or merits of an undertaking thus planned and executed; nor inquire into the propriety, or strict honefty, of taking a liberty of this kind with the work, as we suppose, of a living Author, by thus appropriating and mangling it. We fhall leave the reader likewife to form his judgment of the knowledge, or at least of the care and accuracy of this tranflator and abridger, from an instance that ftrikes us at the very threshold, or in the first chapter: where, in the remarks' at the end of the lift of medicines recommended for fevers in general, our commentator tells us that ⚫broths made as strong of the meat as poffible,-fhould be the only food taken.'

That Dr. Marryat, or any other doctor-even from Ballyshannon its own felf-could poffibly give fuch abominable advice as this, iz a fever, we cannot readily believe; even on the authority of Mr. Dodd's tranflation, Dr. Marryat's work, as we remember, was published in Ireland about nine or ten years ago, and is not at prefent in our poffeffion; but we have been told that in the place to which this remark' refers, the doctor only recommends the giving of ftrong broths, in fuch quantities as will fit eafy on the patient's ftomach, in order to recruit his ftrength, on bis recovery, from a fever. -And fo much for Mr. Dodd's best family physician,' &c. Art. 20. A Lecture Introductory to the Theory and Practice of Midwifery, &c. By John Leake, M. D. Member of the R. College of Phyficians, London; and Phyfician to the Westminster Lying-in Hofpital. 4to. 2 s. 6d. Baldwin. 1774

In this fenfible introduction to a course of lectures on the subject of` midwifery, the Author difcuffes, in a general and popular manner, feveral phyfiological questions relating to conception and parturition;


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