that there be sundry men's wives dwellinge within the dioces of Cant. that refuse to come to the church; and that sundrie persons do entertayne, keepe, and releive servants, and others that be recusants, contrarye to the 5 statute made in the last parliament; sithence which time it is likewise notified unto us, that many have shewed themselves rather more obstinate in divers parts of this realme in matter of religion, then anie waies more tractable or conformable; forasmuch as this matter doth To verye much importe the true service of God, and the estate of her majestie and her realm, and therefore ought with the greater care and diligence to be looked into; we have therefore thought it expedient to send your lordship in a schedule here inclosed, certeine notes and 15 directions for the more exact and orderly proceeding herein, subscribed by us and the clarke of the counsell, and do verie earnestlie require your lordship, etc. with all convenient expedition, to cause diligent enquirie to be made of all wyves, servants, and other recusants, within 20 not conforming within three months thereafter, should depart the realm; and if found afterwards therein, should be guilty of felony without benefit of clergy. The second (c. 2.) confined recusants within five miles of their place of residence. Wives were bound by the provi sions of this statute as well as husbands, with the exception of abju25 ration of the realm; it having been found, according to a well known principle, that women, in a greater degree than men, were faithful in their adherence to the old religion. For the full enforcement of these acts, at a time of peculiar danger, the authorities of the church were required by this order of council to furnish information. 30 Puritans as well as Romanists were included under the penalties of the first statute, the queen having, as formerly, strictly forbidden the commons to exercise any judgment of their own in matters appertaining to the church. One important consequence of this change in the law was, that cases of non-conformity were henceforward frequently 35 tried before the judges of assize, instead of being taken before the queen's commissioners. See Stat. at large. Strype, Ann. vol. iv. p. 367. Burn, Ecc. Law, vol. iii. p. 171. Hume, Hist. vol. v. p. 367. Hallam, Const. Hist. vol. i. p. 175. Lingard, vol. v. P. 513. your lordships dioces and jurisdiction, according to the orders and directions prescribed in the said schedule, and to make perfect certificate thereof forthwith to us. So not doubtinge, but your lordship will have that regarde to the due execution herof, as apperteyneth, and as her 5 majestie and our selves do expect, we byd your lordship, etc. verye hartelie farewell. From the court at Windesore castle the 26th of August, M.D.XCIV. To our very good lorde, the lord archbishop of Cant. and to our loving frends the deane, ordinarie, and officialls of 15 that diocess. Notes and directions to be observed by the lord archbishop, deane, ordinarie, and officers of the diocess of Cant. in their enquiry after wyves and servants, recusants, etc. THEY shall first cause diligent inquisition to be made 20 in everye parish, what wyves be recusants, and shall certifie the names, and dwelling places of the husband and wief, and the condition and state of the husband, videlicet knight, esquire, gentleman, etc. They shall cause also enquirie to be made, who kepe or releeve any 25 servants, or others, that be recusants within their families, or under their commandment, contrary to the statute the xxxyth of her majesties reigne; and for the better know ledge thereof, they shall take strict order, that curates, churchwardens, or sydemen of every parishe do make request to every householder, man or woman, in her majesties name, keeping any number of servants, men or 5 women, above the number of ten, to notifie the names of all the said servants; and all the names so delyvered and put in writing, the said curate, churchwarden, or sydeman shall expresly require every the said servants to resorte to the church, according to the lawe, and of the time of 10 this request to keep a note in writing; likewise after a moneth next after such request the curate or churchwardens shall give notice to every one, that keepeth or releeveth any such servante, or other recusante, and hath not come to any parish church, or to usual place of com15 mon prayer to hear divine service, but hath forborne the same for the space of a month, before such notice given, without any reasonable cause. And the order, which the said curate shall use in his admonition, hereafter followeth I A. B., curate of the parish of C., doe give 20 notice unto J. S. that the servant of R. N. doth obsti 25 nately refuse to come to any church, chappel, or usual place of common prayer, to hear divine service, and hath forborne the same by the space of a month together last past, contrary to the lawes and statutes of this realm. Archiepisc. Cant. CXII. Anno Christi Reg. Angliæ Articuli Lambethani compositi ab archiep. Cantuar. Rich. Fletcher, episc. London. Ric. Vaughan, Bangor. episc. Humphr. Tyndall, decano Elien. Doct. Whitaker, regio professore Cantabrig.-Ex Fuller. Eccles. Hist. 1. ix. p. 230. I. DEU EUS ab æterno prædestinavit quosdam ad vitam, quosdam reprobavit ad mortem. Articuli Lambethani] The predestinarian questions attracted attention in England at an early period after they had been brought into discussion by Calvin. His "Institutio Christianæ religionis" was first printed 5 at Basil in the year 1536, but did not become well known till after the year 1545, when it was printed at Geneva. The English reformers were too much occupied with preliminary matters during the reign of Henry VIII. and the earlier years of Edward VI. to arrive at speculations so far advanced as those of Calvin; but they had certainly at- 10 tracted notice and made converts in England as early as the year 1552. Before the end of that year the second service book of king Edward was in general use throughout the kingdom, and men of a speculative turn of mind were thereby set at liberty from their past discussions to enter into new fields of controversy. It was at that time (Sept. 9, 1552) 15 that Traheron, who was afterwards distinguished as an interpreter of the scriptures, wrote to Bullinger, informing him that many Englishmen had adopted the opinions of Calvin, and asking for the judgment of the church at Zurich on the important points at issue. On the 3rd of March following Bullinger answered at some length "de providentia 20 Dei, ejusque prædestinatione electione ac reprobatione, deque libero arbitrio, et quod Deus non sit auctor peccati," stating expressly in what respects he objected to the propositions of Calvin. Traheron replied on the 3rd of June to this effect; "In prædestinationis doctrina non per omnia cum Bullingero consentit. Caveat Bullingerus nequid 25 hujus causa dissidii inter Calvinum et ipsum excitetur." (Hess, Catal. vol. ii. pp. 62. 67. 75.) It is clear then without the mention of other II. Causa movens aut efficiens prædestinationis ad vitam non est provisio fidei, aut perseverantiæ, aut bonorum operum, aut ullius rei, quæ insit in personis prædestinatis; sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 5 III. Prædestinatorum præfinitus et certus est numerus, qui nec augeri nec minui potest. IV. Qui non sunt prædestinati ad salutem, necessario propter peccata sua damnabuntur. V. Vera, viva, et justificans fides et Spiritus Dei justiTo ficantis non extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in electis, aut finaliter aut totaliter. VI. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide justificante præditus, certus est plerophoria fidei de remissione peccatorum suorum, et salute sempiterna sua per Christum. 15 evidence, that Calvinism, though probably in its sublapsarian and milder form, was known and embraced in England during the reign of Edward VI. It would appear indeed on examination that the church generally was not of sufficient growth and developement for such inquiries; and that it was rather the spirit of speculation, than any ex20 press opinion, which was condemned by the authorities of those times. "In these matters," said bishop Ridley at a subsequent period, "I am so fearful that I dare not speak further, yea almost none otherwise than the text doth, as it were, lead me by the hand;" and again, "Sudden changes without substantial and necessary cause, and the heady setting 25 forth of extremities, I did never love." (Abp. Laurence, Authent. Docum. pp. xxxv. xliii. Martyrs' Letters, p. 41.) The next occasion for calling attention to this controversy in England was during the reign of queen Mary, when Bradford drew up a treatise in favour of sublapsarian opinions (dated Oct. 22, 1554), and sent it to Cranmer, Ridley, and 30 Latimer in Oxford, stating at the same time that his fellow prisoners agreed with him in his views, and would openly signify that agreement, if those three reformers would set them the example. (See Trewe's Narrative, Authent. Docum. p. 37.) During the reign of Elizabeth there is abundant evidence of the existence of Calvinistic opinions to a 35 great extent and in their more aggravated forms. Not to dwell on the extreme popularity of the Genevan version of the Bible and its notes, (see No. CV.) which though not thoroughly Calvinistic, are frequently tinged with the theology of that school, (as for instance, 1 Tim. iv. 10. Heb. x. 38. 1 Pet. ii. 8,) it must be observed that portions of the |