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may have to meet the charge of being a bad citizen, in so far as he puts something above his country, principle before expediency, and eternal values before immediate interests. And there has sometimes been apparent justification for the charge. A man who declares that his citizenship is in heaven does not thereby free himself from mundane responsibilities and the duties of his station. The pacifist may be a saint, but he is sometimes a sinner, if not against the inner light, against the light of common sense, and the fitting proportion of things.

In pre-Federation days we were told to rise above our parochial and provincial points of view, and think "continentally." And still later, we were urged to think "imperially," in terms of that glorious federation to which we belong, in which citizenship does not mean divided duty and in which patriotism need not become less intense, because its reach is wider than the bounds of city or State or Commonwealth. The vision of the philosopher takes an even wider sweep, for he bids us think in terms of Humanity. And Australia cannot be true to herself if she is false to Humanity; that is, if she forgets the eternal values of the Spirit, the Ideals of Truth, Goodness and Beauty. What has Australia to do with Philosophy? If Australia has nothing to do with these, then and only then has she nothing to do with Philosophy. There are times when duties seem to conflict, and when we do not see clearly which is the higher and the more urgent duty. There are times when the local patriotism seems to point in one direction, and the larger patriotism in another. There are times when the eternal values seem bloodless abstractions, and the call of the Ideal sounds thin and feeble as if it came from distant inter-stellar spaces. Then it is good to remember that we have a heavenly as well as an earthly citizenship. Lowell, speaking to the American people during the crisis that preceded the Civil War, reminded them that their true country was "bounded on the north and south and east and west by Justice." "We are," he continued, "inhabitants of two worlds, and owe a double but not a divided allegiance. In virtue of our clay, this little ball of earth exacts a certain loyalty of us, while in our capacity as spirits, we are admitted as citizens of an invisible and holier fatherland." We shall not be worse but better Australians, if we keep in mind that patriotism of the soul on which philosophers insist, that we are also citizens of that "ideal realm" which we represent to ourselves under the names of Truth and Goodness and Beauty. It is in virtue of these universal and spiritual values that this Australia of ours can become a Land of Hope and Glory.

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REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS.

MY LIFE AND WORK. By Henry Ford, in collaboration with Samuel Crowther. First Australian Edition, 1923. Angus and Robertson, Sydney. Pp. 291.

The first interest of this industrial epic is the simple human interest in the man Henry Ford. He was born on a farm in Michigan, and he tells us that his earliest recollection is that "considering the results, there was too much work on the place" (p. 22). In his youth ful experiments with power machines, his ultimate aim was to produce something which would make farm work easier, and in particular would do away with the horse plough. Circumstances forced him to manufacture the "Ford car" first; but he always kept in mind his early object, and in 1922 the "Fordson" tractor for ploughing was on sale in U.S.A. at 395 dollars. The American farm on which ploughing is done with horses will apparently be a curiosity in a few years' time. We learn, also. of an early interest in watches. At 15 Ford could do almost anything in watch repairing. Had he gone into the manufacture of watches instead of cars, as he once thought of doing, there would probably now be an excellent Ford time-keeper on the American market for 25 cents, though Australians would, of course be paying much more for it than this, in order "to protect Australian industries." His first car, a "gasoline buggy," made by himself, was running in the streets of Detroit, to the great interest of the inhabitants, in the spring of 1893. In 1903. a week after an exciting race with his wonderful "999," the Ford Motor Co. was formed. The development that followed is full of interest, but for that the book must be consulted. We frequently come on references to activities and interests lying outside the scope of car manufacture. There is a short discussion of the famous Peace Ship; we learn that Ford is a great bird lover (there are now 500 bird houses on the original Michigan farm); and we are interested in the experiment of a hospital that is to be primarily for patients, a hospital which, with no honorary medical officers. and with an inclusive charge of six dollars a day, is to pay for itself.

Leaving the personal factor, the chief interests of the book are economic, psychological, and social. The idea Ford wishes most of all to propagate is the idea of "service"; which means nothing sentimental, but, briefly, producing to satisfy needs. Ford found out (what socialistic writers have said often enough) that business is generally run, not for service, but for profit. And he agrees with those socialistic writers who have said that production should be, not for profit, but for use. If business is dominated by the idea of service, profits will take care of themselves. Ford uses his own success as proof.

Along with the idea of service goes another almost as important. Get rid of waste! What Ford has to say here is of special interest in view of modern attempts to apply psychology to industry. There is nothing new; but the main principles of "industrial psychology" are recognised and illustrated. For instance, by motion study and subdivision of an assembly process, a group of seven men was enabled to produce 15 times as much in an eight hour day as a group of 28 men had previously produced in a nine hour day (p. 89). When did any application of science produce greater results? What "industrial psychology" may yet do to cheapen cost of production is not realised. One of the principles most insisted upon by Ford is that, from the

point of view of getting rid of waste in production, subdivision of labour simply cannot go too far. So we learn that in assembly work "The man who places a part does not fasten it. . . . . The man who puts in a bolt does not put on the nut; the man who puts on the nut does not tighten it" (p. 83). And so generally. Two aspects of this tendency toward subdivision are specially mentioned.

First, the more occupations become restricted to the continuous repetition of a few simple movements, the less trade skill they require. 43% of all the jobs in the Ford works require not more than one day of training, another 36% require from one day to one week, and another 6% require from one week to two: which means that 85% of all jobs require not more than two weeks to learn (p. 110). Only a few jobs require great trade skill. This means pretty well the end of the long apprenticeship methods, except for a very few. While this may seem an undesirable development, it has implications which at first sight are not obvious. For instance, it makes possible the profitable employment of the physically unfit. It was found at one time that out of 7.882 jobs in the Ford works. 670 could be filled perfectly well by men without legs, 2,637 by men with only one leg, two by men without arms, 715 by men with only one arm, and 10 by blind men (p. 108). In one instance a blind man, who was set to count bolts and nuts prior to shipment, did his work better than two men who were not blind (p. 109). "There are more places in subdivision industry that can be filled by blind men than there are blind men..... It is frightful waste to put the blind at weaving baskets" (p. 209).

Secondly, the monotony involved in processes that have been much subdivided is usually considered extremely undesirable. Although Ford sees that all jobs involve a considerable amount of repetition, he admits that. to himself, the prospect of repetition work of the type occurring in manufacture is "terrifying" (p. 103). But he thinks that the number of persons who feel like this is very small. It is these persons, however, who have denounced industrial work as souldestroying. The vast majority of men don't want to think, they don't want to create, and apparently they do want monotony. Ford cites one man who had been doing the same simple process for "eight solid years" and yet "stubbornly resists every attempt to force him to a better job" (p. 106). There are undoubtedly cases of this sort. But how frequent are they? For there are also men who seem unable to remain for any appreciable time in any job. Doubtless the building up of a great manufacturing industry does not allow a man much time to think. And that Ford has not properly sifted his observations in this connection is suggested by the fact that in different parts of his book statements about the general attitude towards monotony amount to explicit contradictions. Thus he says: "The vast majority of men want to stay put. They want to be led. They want to have everything done for them, and to have no responsibility" (p. 99). Yet later we read: "People do not stay put. That is the trouble with all the framers of Socialistic and Communistic, and of all other plans for the ideal regulation of society. They all presume that people will stay put" (p. 142). Apart from the inconsistency, doesn't subdivided industry, as well as "socialism,' "presume that people will stay put"?

...

The strength of the creative impulse can easily be over-emphasised and has been over-emphasized by writers like Ruskin and Morris. It seems to be weak in most men, and hence a system that gives no scope to its activity will soon bring about its disappearance except in persons

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS.

MY LIFE AND WORK. By Henry Ford, in collaboration with Samuel Crowther. First Australian Edition, 1923. Angus and Robertsan Syaney. Pp. 291.

The irst aterest of this industrial epic is the simple human interest a the man heary Ford. He was born on a farm in Michigan, and be mil as that is eariest recollection is that "considering the resis. dere was too much work on the place" (p. 22). In his youth “A extra with power machines, his ultimate aim was to produce something which would make farm work easier, and in particular wood # way with the horse plough. Circumstances forced him to MATUTA STATE. The "Ford car" first; but he always kept in mind his macy ze ect, and a 1922 the "Fordson" tractor for ploughing was on seal Art 345 dolars. The American farm on which ploughing same with horses will apparently be a curiosity in a few years'

We learn also of an early interest in watches. At 15 Ford cat de almost anything in watch repairing. Had he gone into the TABLETET or watches instead of cars, as he once thought of doing, there would probably now be an excellent Ford time-keeper on the American market for 25 cents, though Australians would, of course bearing much more for it than this, in order "to protect Australian mustres" His first car, a "gasoline buggy," made by himself, was

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