without other qualifications, will not prevent corruptions from within; and states are more often ruined by these than the other.

To conclude: Whether the proposals I have offered towards a reformation, be such as are most prudent and convenient, may probably be a question: but it is none at all, whether fome reformation be abfolutely neceffary; because the nature of things is fuch, that if abuses be not remedied, they will certainly increase, nor ever ftop till they end in a fubverfion of a commonwealth. As there mult always of neceffity be fome corruptions, fo, in a well-instituted ftate, the executive power will be always contending against them, by reducing things (as Machiavel fpeaks) to their first principles, never letting abuses grow inveterate, or multiply fo far that it will be hard to find remedies, and perhaps impoffible to apply them. As he that would keep his houfe in repair, must attend every little breach or flaw, and fupply it immediately, elfe time alone will bring all to ruin; how much more the common accidents of ftorms and rain? He must live in perpetual danger of his house falling about his ears; and will find it cheaper to throw it quite down, and build it again from the ground, perhaps upon a new foundation, or at least in a new form, which may nei ther be so safe, nor fo convenient as the old.

The

228

The SENTIMENTS of a CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND MAN, with refpect to RELIGION and GOVERNMENT *

Written in the year 1708.

Hoever hath examined the conduct and proceedings of both parties for fome years paft, whether in or out of power, cannot well conceive it poffible to go far towards the extremes of either, without offering fome violence to his integrity or understanding. A wife and a good man may indeed be fometimes induced to comply with a number, whose opinion he generally approves, though it be perhaps against his own. But this liberty fhould be made ufe of upon very few occafions, and thofe of fmall import

* This piece is adapted to that particular period in which it was written. The style of the whole pamphlet is nervous, and, except in fome few places, impartial. The ftate of Holland is justly, and, at the fame time, concifely delineated. This tract is very well worth one's reading and attention: and it confirms an obfervation which will perpetually occur, that Swift excels in ·whatever style or manner he affumes. When he is in earnest, his ftrength of reafon carries with it conviction; when in jest, every competitor in the race of wit is left behind him. Orrery.

This piece feemeth to have been one of Swift's projects for uniting of parties, and written with a defign to check that rage and violence, which fubfifted in those times between the contending factions of Whig and Tory; and perhaps to recommend, in the place of that abominable rancour and malice, which had broken all the laws of charity and hofpitality among human kind, thofe candid falutary principles, with refpect to religion and government, which, if rightly comprehended and vigoroufly purfued, might certainly preferve the whole conftitu tion, both of church and state, for ten thousand generations. Swift.

This appears to be an apology for the Tories, and a justification of them against the mifreprefentations of the Whigs, who were then in the miniftry, and ufed every artifice to perpetuate their power. Mr. Harley, afterwards Lord Oxford, had, by the inAuence of the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Treasurer Godolphin, been lately removed from his poft of Principal Secretary of State; and Mr. St. John, afterwards Lord Bolingbroke, refigned his place of Secretary at War, and Sir Simon Harcourt that of Attorney-General, Hawkef,

ance,

ance, and then only with a view of bringing over his own fide another time to fomething of greater and more public moment. But to facrifice the innocency of a friend, the good of our country, or our own confcience, to the humour or passion, or intereft of a party, plainly fhews, that either our heads or our hearts are not as they should be. Yet this very practice is the very fundamental law, of each faction among us; as may be obvious to any, who will impartially, and without engagement, be at the pains to examine their actions: which, however, is not fo eafy a task; for it seems a principle in human nature, to incline one way more than another, even in matters where we are wholly unconcerned. And it is a common obfervation, that in reading a history of facts done a thousand years ago, or standing by at play among thofe who are perfect strangers to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wishes engaged on a fudden in favour of one fide more than another. No wonder then that we are all fo ready to intereft ourselves in the courfe of pu• blic affairs, where the most inconfiderable have fome real fhare, and, by the wonderful importance which every man is of to himself, a very great imaginary one.

And, indeed, when the two parties that divide the whole commonwealth, come once to a rupture, without any hopes left of forming a third with better principles, to balance the others, it feems every man's duty to choose one of the two fides, though he cannot entirely approve of either; and all pretences to neutrality are justly exploded by both, being too ftale and obvious; only intending the fafety and ease of a few individuals, while the public is imbroiled. This was the opinion and practice of the latter Cato, whom I esteem to have been the wifeft and beft of all the Romans * But before things proceed to open violence, the trueft fervice a private man may hope to do his country, is by unbiaffing his mind as much as poffible, and then endeavouring to moderate between the rival powers; which must needs be owned a fair proceeding with the world; because it is of all others the least consistent with

* One of the fextumvirate in Gulliver, part 3. chap. 7. vol. 4. p. 187.

the

the common design of making a fortune by the merit of an opinion.

I con

I have gone as far as I am able in qualifying myself to be fuch a moderator. I believe I am no bigot in religion, and I am fure I am none in government. verfe in full freedom with many considerable men of both parties; and if not in equal number, it is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be near the court, and to have made acquaintance there, more under one ministry than another. Then, I am not under the neceffity of declaring myfelf by the profpect of an employment. And, lastly, if all this be not fufficient, I induftriously conceal my name, which wholly exempts me from any hopes and fears in delivering my opinion.

it

In confequence of this free ufe of my reafon, I cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either party, as they would endeavour to perfuade the world of each other, and of themselves. For instance, I do not charge upon the body of the Whigs or the Tories, that their feveral principles lead them to introduce Presbytery, and the religion of the church of Rome, or a commonwealth, and arbitrary power. For why fhould any party be accused of a principle, which they folemnly dif own and proteft againft! But to this they have a mutual answer ready: they both affure us, that their adversaries are not to be believed; that they difown their principles out of fear, which are manifeft enough, when we examine their practices. To prove this, they will produce inftances, on one fide, either of avowed Pref byterians, or perfons of libertine and atheistical tenets; and on the other, of profeffed Papifts, or fuch as are openly in the intereft of the abdicated family. Now, it is very natural for all fubordinate fects and denominations in a state, to fide with fome general party, and to choose that which they find to agree with themselves in fome general principle. Thus, at the refloration, the Prefbyterians, Anabaptists, Independents, and other sects, up their did all, with very good reason, unite and folder feveral schemes to join against the church; who, without regard to their diftinctions, treated them all as equal adverfaries. Thus our prefent diffenters do very naturally clofe in with the Whigs, who profefs moderation, declare

they

they abhor all thoughts of perfecution, and think it hard, that those who differ only in a few ceremonies and fpeculations, fhould be denied the privilege and profit of ferving their country in the highest employments of state. Thus, the Atheists, libertines, defpifers of religion and revelation in general; that is to say, all those who usually pafs under the name of freethinkers, do properly join with the fame body; becaufe they likewife preach up moderation, and are not fo over-nice to diftinguish between an unlimited liberty of confcience, and an unlimited freedom of opinion. Then, on the other fide, the profeffed firmnefs of the Tories for Epifcopacy, as an apoftolical inftitution; their averfion to thofe fects who lie under the reproach of having once deftroyed their conftitution, and who, they imagine, by too indifcreet a zeal for reformation, have defaced the primitive model of the church; next, their veneration for monarchical government in the common, course of fucceffion, and their hatred to republican schemes: thefe, I fay, are principles which not only the nonjuring zealots profefs, but even Papifts themfelves fall readily in with. And every extreme here mentioned, flings a general fcandal upon the whole body it pretends to adhere to.

But furely no man whatfover ought, in juftice or good manners, to be charged with principles he actually difowns, unless his practices do openly, and without the leaft room for doubt, contradict his profeffion; not upon fmall furmises, or because he has the misfortune to have ill men fometimes agree with him in a few general fentiments. However, though the extremes of Whig and Tory feem, with little juftice, to have drawn religion into their controverfies, wherein they have fmall concern; yet they both have borrowed one leading principle from the abufe of it; which is, to have built their feveral systems of political faith, not upon inquiries after truth, but upon oppofition to each other; upon injurious appellations, charging their adverfaries with horrid opinions, and then reproaching them for the want of charity; et neuter falfo.

In order to remove these prejudices, I have thought nothing could be more effectual, than to defcribe the fentiments of a church-of-England man with refpect to VOL. I. religion

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