with alarm, for his genius disdained that; but with mortification at the public rebuke. He invoked the guardian muses of the Scandinavian Helicon; they showered their dreams upon him, and, before the allotted time, he stood before the king with the exacted poem, and received fifty marks of pure silver as his reward. Canute was not only a liberal patron of scallds and gleemen, but was himself a reasonable proficient in that divine art. A ballad which he composed continued to be long afterwards a favourite amongst the common people of England. The subject was the psalmody of the monks of Ely, the sweet and solemn tones of which broke on his ear while he navigated the river Nen in the neighbourhood of the Minster. Except the first verse, all the other stanzas have been lost; as a curious relic, we may regret that we possess no further specimens of these compositions which entitle Canute to rank as one of the royal authors of England. The following is the Saxon, almost verbatim :

Merrily the monks in Ely sung

As royal Canute sailed along:

Row on, my knights, row near the land,
And listen awhile the choral song.'

Canute was a munificent benefactor to the church; and the piety of his latter years presents a singular contrast to the occupation of his early life. Having by his conquests attained the utmost height of grandeur, and being at leisure from wars and intrigues, he began to feel the unsatisfactory nature of all earthly enjoyments, and to cast his reflections towards that future existence which it is so natural for the human mind, weary of the splendour and turmoils of this life, to make the object of its attention. Unfortunately the spirit which prevailed in that age gave a wrong direction to his devotion. Instead of making compensation to those whom he had injured by his former acts of violence, he employed himself entirely in those exercises of piety which the monks represented as the most meritorious. He built churches, endowed monasteries, and enriched the ecclesiastics. bestowed revenues for the support of chantries at Assington and other places, where he appointed prayers to be said for the souls of those who had there fallen in battle against him. He even undertook a pilgrimage to Rome, where he resided some time, and obtained from his holiness several valuable immunities.

He

Of this journey-which took place in 1030 or 31-Canute has himself given a description in a public document, which he addressed to all the orders of the English nation. He says he went for the redemption of his sins, and the welfare of his subjects; that he had projected this visit before, but had been hindered by business and other impediments. "Be it known unto you," he continues in his letter," that there was a great assemblage of nobles at the Easter solemnity, with the lord the pope John, and Conrad the emperor. There were all the princes of the people from Mount Gargano to the sea, who all received me with dignity, and honoured me with valuable presents. I was particu larly honoured with various gifts and costly presents from the emperor, who gave me many gold and silver vessels, with very rich apparel.

I spoke with the emperor, the pope, and the princes, on the necessities of my English and Danish subjects, that a more equal law and better safeguard might be granted to them in their journeys to Rome; that they might not be hindered at so many fortified passages, nor oppressed by such unjust exactions. The emperor assented, and Rodolph, the king (of Burgundy), who rules most of the passes, and all the princes, consented that my subjects, whether merchants or travellers from piety, might go and return to Rome without detention or exaction. I also complained before the pope, and expressed myself highly displeased that such an immensity of money should be extorted from my archbishops when they came to Rome for the pall. It was declared that this should not happen again." After mentioning that these concessions were ratified by oath before four archbishops, twenty bishops, and an innumerable multitude of dukes and nobles, Canute exclaims, "Therefore I return my sincere thanks to Almighty God, that all things which I desired I have prosperously achieved, as I had contemplated; and have satisfied all my wishes!" The same epistle exhibits his character as a king in a very striking and pleasing light. In reviewing his past conduct with sentiments of regret, and publicly confessing that he intends an amendment, he displays a greatness of mind which kings of such successful ambition have seldom reached. Canute is a rare instance of a man improved by prosperity. His worst actions were in his days of difficulty and peril. When he had gained the summit of power and grandeur, his heart became humble, pious, and grateful. His early barbarism may be referred to tuition; his misdeeds to the necessities of state; but his latter feelings were the result of his improved intellect, and of a noble mind, enlarged by observation and experience. "Be it also known to all, that I have vowed to Almighty God to govern my life henceforward by rectitude; to rule my kingdoms and people with equity; and piously to observe equal judgment everywhere. And if, through the intemperance and negligence of my youth, I have done what was not just, I will endeavour hereafter, by God's help, entirely to amend it. Therefore I beseech and command all those to whom I have confided the government of my kingdom, that they in no shape suffer or consent to any injustice throughout my realm, either from fear of me, or from favour to any person of power. I command all the sheriffs and governors of all my realm, as they value my friendship, or their own safety, that they impose unjust violence on no man, whether rich or poor; but that the nobles and their inferiors. the wealthy and the needy, may enjoy their property justly. This enjoyment must not be infringed in any manner, neither in behalf of the king, nor any other man of power, nor on the pretext of collecting money for me; because there is no necessity that money should be obtained for me by unjust exactions." After alluding to some enemies whom he had pacified, and mentioning that he was returning to Denmark, whence, as soon in the summer as he could procure shipping, he proposed to visit England, he adds,—" I have sent this letter first that all my people should rejoice in my prosperity; because, as you yourselves know, I have never spared nor will spare myself, or my labour, when my object is the advantage of my subjects.'

Spelm. Conc. 537.

Sentimenst such as these from a royal pen are highly valuable. Such kings give new lustre to their thrones, and earn for themselves a fame more solid and durable than that which is built on the oppressions of victories and conquests. Canute's pilgrimage to Rome was signalized by the most profound charity. Everywhere, we are told, "he scattered gold and silver with unprecedented liberality." An anecdote has been recorded by an eye-witness illustrative of the humility and beneficence of the royal devotee. It occurred when on his journey at St Omer's. "Entering the monasteries" says the astonished monk who relates the story-" where he was received with great honour, he walked humbly; he fixed his eyes on the ground with wonderful reverence, and pouring out, if I may say so, rivers of tears, he implored the aid of the saints. But when the moment came of presenting his gifts upon the altar, how often did he imprint the pavement with his kisses! How often did he strike his venerable breast! What sighs! What prayers that he might not be found unworthy the mercy of the Supreme Being! At length his attendants stretched forth his munificent oblation, which the king himself placed on the altar. But why do I say the altar? when I remember that I myself saw him go round every part of the monasteries; and pass no altar, however small, oǹ which he did not leave a present, and which he did not salute. Then came the poor, and were all separately relieved. These, and other bounties of the lord Canute, I, your slave, O St Omer, St Bertin! myself beheld in your monasteries; for which do you pray that such a king may live in the heavenly habitations, as your servants the canons and monks are daily petitioning." This appears to have been no ostentatious or theatrical exhibition; but the dictate of a genuine and sincere conviction. The incident affords a striking proof how powerfully superstition could sway the proudest minds, and what a hold it had obtained even over the haughty and turbulent passions of men.

The four last years of Canute's reign were spent in peace. He died at Shaftesbury in November 1035, and was buried at Winchester. His portrait has been drawn by the northern writers: He was large in stature, and very strong; of fair complexion, and distinguished for his beauty, his nose was thin, prominent, and aquiline; his hair profuse; and his eyes bright and fierce. By Queen Emma he had one son, Hardiçanute, Sweyn and Harold were the fruit of his first marriage with Alfwin or Alfgiva, daughter to the earl of Hampshire; scandal, however, has assigned her only the place of a concubine; and affirms that she was not even the mother of her reputed sons. Sweyn, the eldest, was universally believed to be the son of a priest; and the youngest was thought to be of still lower origin, the son of a cobbler.10 Whatever truth there may be in these reports, they affected not the success of the children.

Encom. Enimæ, 173.

10 Turner's Angl. Sax. Hist. vol. iii. p. 302.

Harold E.

REIGNED FROM 1035 TO 1040.

HAROLD I. surnamed Harefoot from his agility, ascended the throne of England on the death of Canute. His succession was contrary to the treaty with Richard, duke of Normandy, which had stipulated that the children of Emma should be heirs to the crown of England Whether Canute considered himself released from that engagement by the death of Richard, or thought it dangerous to leave his newly conquered kingdom in the hands of so young a prince as Hardicanute, he expressed in his will that Harold should succeed him. He had intended to partition his dominions among his three sons. Sweyn, the eldest, he placed in his life time, over Norway; but he lost that kingdom by the valour of Magnus, the son of St Olave, and soon followed his father to the grave. Hardicanute was nominated for Denmark, where he had taken up his residence; but he had a powerful faction in England from his connection with the line of their ancient kings. Accordingly, at the council which met at Oxford, to elect a new sovereign, the opinions of the voters were very much divided. The chiefs and population of Danish extraction espoused the interest of Harold, who, besides being on the spot to maintain his claim, had got immediate possession of his father's treasures, which might be equally useful whether he found it necessary to proceed by force or intrigue in establishing his authority. The suffrages of the English were strong in favour of Hardicanute, whom they esteemed as their countryman, the son of their queen. Earl Godwin, the most influential nobleman in the kingdom, and chief of the West Saxons, embraced the latter party. Matters were on the brink of a civil war, when, by the interposition of the nobility, a compromise was made, assigning to Harold, London, Mercia, Northumbria, and the provinces north of the Thames; while Wessex and the southern parts were conceded to Hardicanute, of which earl Godwin was allowed to maintain possession in name of his master. Until he should have returned from Denmark, his mother Emma fixed her residence at Winchester, and took upon her the cares of government as regent.' But, while that prince lingered abroad, his affairs in England assumed a very gloomy aspect. Godwin had been gained by the arts of Harold, who promised to espouse his daughter. This acquisition emboldened his followers, and Harold was proclaimed full king over all England. This election, however, was not sanctioned by the legislative authority; nor would the Anglo-Saxons recognise it as legal so long as the children of Emma were alive. Agelnoth, archbishop of Canterbury, refused to bestow the royal benediction. Instead of committing the crown and sceptre to Harold he placed them on the altar, and forbade his bishops to give their benediction. " I will neither give them to thee," said Agelnoth, "nor prevent thee from taking the ensigns of royalty; but I will not bless thee, nor shall any prelate hallow thee on the throne." Harold found threats, prayers, and bribes in vain. The consequence of this refusal was that Harold des

1 Chron. Sax. 154, 155.-Excom. Emm. 25.

snare.

pised both the bishops and their blessing, and lived as one who had abjured Christianity; for when others were attending divine service, he called out his hunting-dogs, or studied to occupy himself in some contemptuous pursuit. Another evil result was, a more deep-rooted hatred against the children of Emma, now the only barrier between him and universal dominion. With the assistance of Godwin, this impediment was removed; for while the treaty between them was yet a secret, the two tyrants laid a plan for the destruction of the English princes. Alfred and Edward still continued in Normandy; but the death of their cousin, duke Robert, left them without countenance or protection in that country. On the demise of Canute, Edward, by the assistance of his friends, had fitted out a fleet and sailed for England, but meeting with most decided opposition at Southampton, he abandoned his native shores and betook himself to his place of refuge. But the artifice of their enemies contrived, soon after, to draw them within the fatal An affectionate letter in the name of Emma-but a forgery of Harold's was addressed to them, urging one of them at least to hasten their departure for England to recover their paternal dominions. No event, in their destitute situation, could have been more welcome than paying a visit to their mother, who seemed to be living in a state of so much power and splendour at Westminster. Alfred, with a few trusty followers, whom he retained in Flanders, proceeded to London, where he was favourably received by the traitorous Godwin. Thence he was conducted to Guildford, unconscious of the deceit. His warlike retinue was artfully separated into little bands of ten, twelve, or twenty men, to be more conveniently entertained at different houses. A few only remained with the prince. Food and wine were profusely given to all till they sought the bed of rest. Their arms were secretly removed; in the morning they were laid in fetters, and about six hundred of them murdered, every tenth man only being spared. Alfred was taken prisoner, sentenced to have his eyes put out, and in that condition, hurried away to the isle of Ely, where death soon put a period to his sufferings. Edward and Emma, apprised of the cruel fate that awaited them, fled beyond sea, the former into Normandy, the latter to Bruges in Flanders. The death or exile of these princes, and the absence of Hardicanute, enabled Harold to triumph in his bloody policy. He took possession without resistance of all his brother's dominions.3 His short reign of four years is signalized by no other exploit except this memorable barbarity. In that single action the badness of his character may be discovered. He died on the 14th of April, 1040, little regretted or esteemed by his subjects; and left the succession open to Hardicanute, who was invited by a deputation of the nobility, both English and Danes, to return and take possession of the vacant throne.

Encom. Emm. 29-31. Let it be recollected that this historian wrote within three years after the massacre. His testimony must overbalance the doubts of Malmsbury who supposes the murder of Alfred to have been perpetrated after the death of Haroid

Ingulf. 61.

Florence says 1037, p 400.