Archiepisc. Cant. CXII. Anno Christi Reg. Angliæ Articuli Lambethani compositi ab archiep. Cantuar. Rich. Fletcher, episc. London. Ric. Vaughan, Bangor. episc. Humphr. Tyndall, decano Elien. Doct. Whitaker, regio professore Cantabrig.-Ex Fuller. Eccles. Hist. 1. ix. p. 230. I. DEU EUS ab æterno prædestinavit quosdam ad vitam, quosdam reprobavit ad mortem. Articuli Lambethani] The predestinarian questions attracted attention in England at an early period after they had been brought into discussion by Calvin. His "Institutio Christianæ religionis" was first printed 5 at Basil in the year 1536, but did not become well known till after the year 1545, when it was printed at Geneva. The English reformers were too much occupied with preliminary matters during the reign of Henry VIII. and the earlier years of Edward VI. to arrive at speculations so far advanced as those of Calvin; but they had certainly at- 10 tracted notice and made converts in England as early as the year 1552. Before the end of that year the second service book of king Edward was in general use throughout the kingdom, and men of a speculative turn of mind were thereby set at liberty from their past discussions to enter into new fields of controversy. It was at that time (Sept. 9, 1552) 15 that Traheron, who was afterwards distinguished as an interpreter of the scriptures, wrote to Bullinger, informing him that many Englishmen had adopted the opinions of Calvin, and asking for the judgment of the church at Zurich on the important points at issue. On the 3rd of March following Bullinger answered at some length "de providentia 20 Dei, ejusque prædestinatione electione ac reprobatione, deque libero arbitrio, et quod Deus non sit auctor peccati," stating expressly in what respects he objected to the propositions of Calvin. Traheron replied on the 3rd of June to this effect; "In prædestinationis doctrina non per omnia cum Bullingero consentit. Caveat Bullingerus nequid 25 hujus causa dissidii inter Calvinum et ipsum excitetur." (Hess, Catal. vol. ii. pp. 62. 67. 75.) It is clear then without the mention of other II. Causa movens aut efficiens prædestinationis ad vitam non est provisio fidei, aut perseverantiæ, aut bonorum operum, aut ullius rei, quæ insit in personis prædestinatis; sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 5 III. Prædestinatorum præfinitus et certus est numerus, qui nec augeri nec minui potest. IV. Qui non sunt prædestinati ad salutem, necessario propter peccata sua damnabuntur. V. Vera, viva, et justificans fides et Spiritus Dei justiIo ficantis non extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in electis, aut finaliter aut totaliter. VI. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide justificante præditus, certus est plerophoria fidei de remissione peccatorum suorum, et salute sempiterna sua per Christum. 15 evidence, that Calvinism, though probably in its sublapsarian and milder form, was known and embraced in England during the reign of Edward VI. It would appear indeed on examination that the church generally was not of sufficient growth and developement for such inquiries; and that it was rather the spirit of speculation, than any ex20 press opinion, which was condemned by the authorities of those times. "In these matters," said bishop Ridley at a subsequent period, "I am so fearful that I dare not speak further, yea almost none otherwise than the text doth, as it were, lead me by the hand;" and again, "Sudden changes without substantial and necessary cause, and the heady setting 25 forth of extremities, I did never love." (Abp. Laurence, Authent. Docum. pp. xxxv. xliii. Martyrs' Letters, p. 41.) The next occasion for calling attention to this controversy in England was during the reign of queen Mary, when Bradford drew up a treatise in favour of sublapsarian opinions (dated Oct. 22, 1554), and sent it to Cranmer, Ridley, and 30 Latimer in Oxford, stating at the same time that his fellow prisoners agreed with him in his views, and would openly signify that agreement, if those three reformers would set them the example. (See Trewe's Narrative, Authent. Docum. p. 37.) During the reign of Elizabeth there is abundant evidence of the existence of Calvinistic opinions to a 35 great extent and in their more aggravated forms. Not to dwell on the extreme popularity of the Genevan version of the Bible and its notes, (see No. CV.) which though not thoroughly Calvinistic, are frequently tinged with the theology of that school, (as for instance, 1 Tim. iv. 10. Heb. x. 38. 1 Pet. ii. 8,) it must be observed that portions of the VII. Gratia salutaris non tribuitur, non communicatur, non conceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint, si velint. VIII. Nemo potest venire ad Christum, nisi datum ei fuerit, et nisi pater eum traxerit; et omnes homines non 5 trahuntur a patre, ut veniant ad filium. IX. Non est positum in arbitrio aut potestate uniuscujusque hominis servari. Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, did concurr in his judgment with these divines, as appears by his letter: 10 Accepi jampridem literas tuas, reverendissime præsul, veteris illius benevolentiæ, et amoris erga me tui plenas; version were very frequently printed at this period (between 1570 and 1610) with the commentaries of Calvin as accompaniments, and that Beza's Latin Testament was translated into English in the year 1576, 15 under the patronage of secretary Walsingham, and appeared in several editions afterwards. From the year 1582, a catechism asserting the doctrine of absolute election and reprobation was attached to many of the editions of the English Bible, and as it was not removed from Bibles of the authorized translation till the year 1615, is a sufficient token of 20 the feeling entertained on the subject, both among general readers, and in places of authority. (Strype, Ann. vol. iii. P. 1. p. 226. P. 2. p. 238.) It was natural that those many persons of restless and ambitious minds, who adhered to the discipline of Geneva, should contract a partiality for its doctrines; but after the discussions connected with the nature of the eucharist were at an end, there were also other causes, such as the love of abstract speculation, and the severe temper of the times, which would call forth less worldly-minded champions into the field of controversy, and predispose them for the ranks of Calvinism. Even Hooker, the admirable defender of the church of England, had con- 30 tracted many of the strong opinions of his favourite author St. Augustin, and though he gradually abandoned some of them, he seems at all times to have retained the doctrine of the indefectibility of grace. (Keble's Preface, p. ci. Comp. Wordsw. Eccl. Biog. vol. v. p. 478. note. Wood's Ann. vol. ii. p. 241.) Common as such persons were elsewhere, they seem to have been most distinguished in the university of Cambridge. A sermon ad 25 35 in quibus efflagitas opinionem meam de articulis quibusdam nuper Cantabrigiæ agitatis, non sine aliqua piorum offensione, qui graviter molesteque ferunt matrem academiam, jam multitudine liberorum et quidem doctissimo5 rum florentem, ea dissentione filiorum nonnihil contristatam esse. Sed fieri non potest, quin veniant offendicula, neque desinet inimicus homo inter triticum zizania seminare, donec eum Dominus sub pedibus contriverit. Legi articulos et relegi, et dum pararem aliquid de singulis ro dicere, visum est mihi multo potius de ipsa electione et reprobatione (unde illa dissentio orta esse videtur) meam sententiam et opinionem paucis verbis explicare, quam singulis singillatim respondens, fratrum forsitan quorundam animas (quos in veritate diligo) exacerbare. 15 Meminisse potes, ornatissime antistes, cum Cantabrigiæ una essemus, et sacras literas in scholis publicis interpre clerum, preached there in the year 1595, against the Calvinistic points, led to judicial measures, which in their consequences induced the heads of the university to appeal to the archbishop against the preacher, 20 entreating his grace at the same time to prevent any such discussions for the future, by requiring exact conformity of doctrine. The nine Lambeth articles were framed in consequence, and were sent down to Cambridge with a strict injunction, that the members of the university should regulate their judgments according to that model. The queen 25 was greatly displeased with the publication of these articles, and seems to have threatened the archbishop with the punishment of a præmunire, until she was informed that they were not designed to be taken as canons or decrees of the church, but merely as articles of peace and private judgment. Nevertheless, although she appeared to be pacified, she ordered that they should be recalled and suppressed. If it appear surprising that the archbishop should have so exposed himself to the displeasure of his royal mistress, we must remember that he only declared what had for some time been the prevailing belief of the church, and that the successor to the throne, now not far from the 35 actual occupation of it, had hitherto always declared himself in favor of Calvinistic opinions. Strype, Whitg. vol. ii. pp. 228-282. vol. iv. p. 320. Collier, vol. ii. p. 664. Neal, Purit. vol. i. p. 368. Walchii, Bibl. Theol. vol. i. p. 212. Cotton's List of Bibles, p. 17, &c. Abp. Laurence, Bamp. Lect. Hallam, vol. i. p. 434. Lingard, vol. vi. p. 20. VOL. II. 30 Ꭰ taremur, eandem regulam secuti, eam semper fuisse inter nos consensionem in omnibus religionis causis, ut ne minima quidem vel dissentionis, vel simultatis suspicio unquam appareret. Igitur hoc tempore, si judicio dominationis tuæ, id, quod pingui Minerva scripsi, probatum ire 5 intellexero, multo mihi minus displicebo. Deus te diutissime servet incolumem, ut tum reginæ serenissimæ et toti regno fidelissimus consiliarius, tum etiam ecclesiæ huic nostræ Anglicanæ pastor utilissimus multos adhuc annos esse possis. Vale: e museo meo apud Bishop-thorp calend. Octob. anno Domini M.D.XCV. CXIII. Archiepisc. Cant. Anno Christi Reg. Angliæ Archbishop's letter for admonition for preachers. Reg. II. Whitgift, fol. 145. SALUTEM in Christo." Upon advertisement out of all partes of the realme of the dearth of all manner of grayne, and that in moste parte of the realme, the pryses therof are excessively risen; her majestie, consi- 15 dered how the same is inhansed, especiallie within these two or three months, doth impute the fault thereof Archbishop's letter] The scarcity which gave occasion to this and the following letter is prominently noticed by contemporaneous writers. The following extract from a report made to the lord treasurer from 20 the county of Somerset between the dates of the two letters (Sep. 25, 1596) will explain what is meant by the wastefulness of public houses. "The corn that is wastefully spent and consumed in alehouses by the lewd wandering people will find the greatest part of the poor. . . . It falleth out by experience that the alehouses of this land consume the |