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Dean of Chester] Dr. William Barlow, successively bishop of Rochester and Lincoln; died Sep. 7, 1613.

Dr. Hutchinson] Is this Mr. William Hutchinson, who resigned the ro rectory of St. Botolph's Bishopsgate, in 1599, and was archdeacon of St. Albans? See Newc. Repert. vol. i. p. 95.

Dr. Spenser] Is this Dr. John Spenser, who was one of king James' chaplains, and afterwards president of Corp. Chr. coll. Oxf.? He died Apr. 3, 1614.

Mr. Fenton] Is this Dr. Roger Fenton, rector of St. Stephen Walbrook, who died Jan. 15, 1615? He is called a person excellently well learn'd pious and beloved. See Stow, Survey, p. 245. Newcourt's Rep. vol. i. p. 197.

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Mr. Rabbett] A Mr. Michael Rabbet is mentioned by Newcourt (Rep. 20 vol. i. p. 565) as rector of St. Vedast Foster from 1603 to 1617.

Mr. Sanderson] A Mr. Thos. Sanderson is mentioned by Newcourt (Rep. vol. i. p. 201) as rector of All Hallows in 1603, and archdeacon of Rochester in 1606.

Mr. Dakins] Mr. William Dakins, fellow of Trinity coll. Camb. and 25 professor of divinity in Gresham college, died in Feb. 1607. (Ward's lives, p. 44.)

This list does not exactly correspond either with the date 1604, which is commonly assigned to it, or with the date 1607, which Wilkins and others have thought the more correct one, It is evident 30 from the king's letter, which bears date July 22, 1604, (No. CXXI.) that 54 persons had already been appointed for the purpose of making the new translation; but it is also evident that Dr. Barlow (who is known to have been one of the party selected) could not have been described at that time as the dean of Chester, as he was not appointed to 35 that office before the month of December 1604. Neither does the list correspond exactly with the year 1607, because Mr. Lively the Hebrew professor at Cambridge, whose name appears in the list, had died before that time. Other instances might also be given to the same effect. But this is what would naturally be expected, as the list of persons engaged in the work would unavoidably undergo changes during the progress of it. See some differences in Wood's Ann. vol. ii.

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The rules to be observed in the translation of the Bible.

I. The ordinary Bible read in the church, commonly called "the bishop's Bible," to be followed, and as little altered, as the truth of the original will permit.

II. The names of the prophets, and the holy writers, 5 with the other names of the text to be retained, as nigh as may be, accordingly as they were vulgarly used.

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III. The old ecclesiastical words to be kept, videlicet, the word "Church" not to be translated "Congregation," etc.

IV. When a word hath divers significations, that to be kept, which has been most commonly used by most of the ancient fathers, being agreeable to the propriety of the place, and the analogy of the faith.

V. That the division of the chapters be altered either 15 not at all, or as little as may be, if necessity so require.

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VI. No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only for the explanation of the Hebrew or Greek words, which cannot without some circumlocution so briefly and fitly be expressed in the text.

VII. Such quotations of places to be marginally set down, as shall serve for the fit reference of one scripture to another.

VIII. Every particular man of each company to take the same chapter or chapters, and having translated or 25 amended them severally by himself, where he thinketh p. 283, where the new names of Dr. John Aglionby principal of Edm. Hall, and Dr. Leonard Hutton, canon of Ch. Ch., are substitutes for the names of Dr. Eedes and Dr. Ravens. It is not improbable that the name of Ravens is entirely a mistake, from a confusion with Dr. 30 Ravis, dean of Ch. Ch., who was removed early in 1605 to the bishopric of Gloucester. The list here published from bishop Burnet was com pared by Mr. Baker with a copy some time belonging to Dr. Jegon, who was bishop of Norwich from 1602 to 1618, (see Lewis, Hist. of Transl. p. 310.) and bishop Burnet himself took his list from a copy belonging 35 originally to bishop Ravis. Comp. Newcome, Hist. of Transl. p. 91. Todd's Vindic. pp. 49, &c. Collier, vol. ii. p. 693. Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 813. and P. 2. p. 513. Le Neve's Fasti. Newcourt's Repert.

good, all to meet together, confer what they have done, and agree for their parts, what shall stand.

IX. As any one company hath dispatched any one book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest to be considered of seriously and judiciously; for his majesty is 5 very careful in this point.

X. If any company upon the review of the book so sent, doubt or differ upon any place, to send them word thereof, note the place, and withal send the reasons; to which if they consent not, the difference to be com- 10 pounded at the general meeting, which is to be of the chief persons of each company, at the end of the work.

XI. When any place of special obscurity is doubted of, letters to be directed by authority to send to any learned man in the land for his judgment of such a place.

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XII. Letters to be sent from every bishop to the rest of his clergy, admonishing them of this translation in hand, and to move and charge as many as be skilful in the tongues, and have taken pains in that kind, to send his particular observations to the company either at West- 20 minster, Cambridge, or Oxford.

XIII. The directors in each company to be the dean of Westminster and Chester for that place, and the king's professors in the Hebrew or Greek in either university. These translations to Tindall,

be used when they

agree better with the

text than the bishop's

Bible; videlicet

Matthew's,

Coverdales,

Whitchurch's,
Geneva.

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XV. Besides the said directors before mentioned, three 30 or four of the most ancient and grave divines in either of the universities, not employed in translating, to be assigned by the vice-chancellor, upon conference with the rest of the heads, to be overseers of the translations as well Hebrew as Greek, for the better observation of the 35 fourth rule above specified.

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Archiepisc. Cant.

RIC. BANCROFT 6.

CXXV.

Anno Christi
1610.

Reg. Angliæ
JACOB. I. 8.

A proclamation for the due execution of all former laws against recusants, giving them a day to repair to their own dwellings, and not afterwards to come to the court, or within ten miles of London without special license; and for disarming them as the law requireth. And withal that all priests and Jesuits shall depart the land by a day, no more to return into the realm; and for the ministering of the oath of allegiance according to the law.

THOUGH the principal care that a religious and wise

king ought to have, should be for the maintenance and propagation by all godly, lawful, and honest means, of the true catholic and Christian religion, and to that 5 effect as he must plant good seed with the one hand, so to displant and root out with the other, as far as he can, the cockle and tares of heresy, that do ordinarily grow up amongst the Lord's wheat; yet hath our nature been ever so inclined to clemency, especially we have ever

A proclamation] The king had been much embarrassed in his plans respecting the Romanists, not only by the active measures adopted by the court of Rome, but still more by the bold and independent proceedings of the house of commons. His plans respecting the Romanists were expressed in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance, in 15 which he asserted that "whatever was the just and merciful government of queen Elizabeth over the papists, his government had far exceeded hers in mercy and clemency," and "that it could not be proved that any papist had been put to death since he came to the crown for cause of conscience." (Works, pp. 253, 254). The new 20 oath of allegiance had been enacted immediately after the plot of November, 1605, and having been studiously framed, owing to the king's interference, (see Works, p. 292,) for the purpose of confining

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been so loath to shed blood in any case that might have any relation to conscience (though but of a deceived and disguised conscience) as notwithstanding the care and zeal that we have ever carried for the maintenance and propagation of this our ancient and true catholic religion, 5 which we profess, yet hath our said natural clemency ever withholden us from putting the law to that due execution against popish priests and recusants, which their evil deserts at divers times towards us, and their insolent and proud carriage, especially of late, did justly deserve at our hands.

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But not that their evil behaviour at home, manifested first by the priests' treason immediately after our entry into this kingdom, and next at the horrible powder treason, the unnatural cruelty whereof is never to be 15 forgotten, joined to this horrible and lamentable accident abroad, we mean the devilish and unnatural murder of the late French king our dearest brother, hath so stirred up the hearts of our loving people represented by the houses and body of parliament, as both the houses thereof 20 have joined in making an humble petition to us to be more wakeful than heretofore we have been, upon the courses and steps of the papists: and to this effect, that

it to the profession of civil and temporal obedience, had been willingly taken by the Romanists, until they were prohibited by two successive 25 bulls of pope Paul V., and by the earnest exhortations of cardinal Bellarmine. (Wilk. Conc. vol. iv. pp. 430, 431.) But the king's greatest embarrassment arose from the conduct of the house of commons. This body, now conscious of its power, and always opposed to the claims of prerogative, had continually expressed its desire for 30 greater moderation towards the Puritans and severity towards the Romanists; and though reminded by the king of the supremacy of his power, and the relation that it bore to Divine authority, persisted in representing to him the grievances of the nation, and more especially in remonstrating against the court of high commission. But in 35 the year 1610 the general feeling of hostility against the Romanists,

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