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outlines of portraits; and Arthur Wilson, the puritan, paints his principal characters in colours not inconsistent with those of Clarendon. The noble limner indeed makes his touches with a far finer and more exquisite pencil; and exhibits all the foldings and windings of his subject with inexpressible skill and happiness; but we plainly see the same figure before both draughtsmen, and are therefore sure that it is accurate.

It ought to be an incentive to virtue in public men, that neither titles nor power will long be able to disguise the truth. A lucky and undeserved elevation will only expose a man more obviously to the scrutiny of impartial posterity. Sir Robert Walpole now holds the exact place in history, which he merits: he is no longer injured by the discredit or the weakness of his defenders; nor depressed by the brilliant eloquence or splendid stations of his opponents. His practical wisdom; his strong, though coarse, understanding; his dexterity in the management of business, and in allaying the heats of party; his firmness in cultivating the arts of peace, and benefits of commerce, in defiance of clamour, at a critical period when the exigencies of the kingdom in the state of European politics made such a line of conduct a choice of real wisdom, have been justly eulogized by Burke, and detailed by the eminently useful labours of Coxe.

It

may seem of little consequence to us, what is said when our mortal relics are sleeping in the grave. But, though "flattery" cannot "soothe the dull cold ear of death," the report of the truth may perhaps delight or torment our departed spirits, accordingly as it is good or evil.

Yet whatever be the import to the dead, to the

VOL. VI.

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living the knowledge of the truth is certainly of consequence. All the wisdom, which is supposed to be built on experience, stands on a rotten foundation, if the pages of history are falsified. If the real state of facts be mistaken or concealed, what certainty is there in the deductions which are extracted from them?

It becomes a matter therefore of a very serious nature, to those who study the actions and progress of mankind in society, to vindicate the integrity and accuracy of history.

No. XXVI.

On Imprisonment for Debt.

The short debate, which took place on Friday the 11th of March on Lord Moira's Motion for the Second Reading of the Debtor and Creditor Bill, forces from me a few observations, which, though they will contain nothing new, cannot be too often repeated. Lord Moira deserves the thanks of every lover of philanthropy and extended policy, and will, I trust, persevere with a continuance of hope, "even though hope be lost." It is a bad symptom of the times, that such arguments, as were used against him, should prevail. Though it be dangerous to level to the ground, and build anew, and though rash innovation ought to be avoided, yet it is a contemptible narrowness to go to the contrary extreme, and refuse every amelioration.

It would be presumptuous to attempt to add new force to the arguments of Dr. Johnson, to which Lord Holland so handsomely referred. The Idler is a work

of

of too general circulation to require a reference to the subject which the great moralist has discussed, or to copy many of its passages. But there is a part so directly applicable as a reply to the arguments of a noble Lord, that even from this common book I cannot refrain from repeating a few sentences of such inexpressible importance.

"To the relief of this distress, no other objection can be made, but that by an easy dissolution of debts, fraud will be left without punishment and imprudence without awe, and that, when insolvency shall be no longer punishable, credit will cease.

"The motive to credit is the hope of advantage. Commerce can never be at a stop, while one man wants what another can supply; and credit will never be denied, while it is likely to be repaid with profit. He, that trusts one, whom he designs to sue, is criminal by the act of trust; the cessation of such insidious traffic is to be desired, and no reason can be given, why a change of the law should inipair any other. We see nation trade with nation, where no payment can be compelled. Mutual convenience produces mutual confidence; and the merchants continue to satisfy the demands of each other, though they have nothing to dread but the loss of trade. It is vain to continue an institution, which experience shews to be ineffectual. We have now imprisoned one generation of debtors after another, but we do not find that their numbers lessen. We have now learned that rashness and imprudence will not be deterred from taking credit! Let us try, whether fraud and avarice may be more easily restrained from giving it!"*

* See the Idler, No. 22 and No. 38.

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It has been often observed, that the same violence, the same indiscriminate view of things, which, when out of power, attacks every thing, when in power, defends any thing. The philosophy of legislation is indeed a far different and loftier attainment, than that technical skill which applies with tolerable correctness that which has been enacted. How wofully do men expose the narrowness of their intellectual faculties and acquirements, when they venture beyond the file of authorities, into the expanded field of principles! It belongs to the few, to whom nature has been more prodigal, to unite the mastery of both.

Many things, which have been long established, are indeed founded on better reasons than we may at first perceive: and the annihilation of them would perhaps create chasms and inconveniencies, not foreseen. But, on the other hand, it is perfectly ludicrous to suppose that every thing has arrived at perfection, and that no amelioration in any part of our ancient institutions is requisite. Many corruptions have gradually grown up with the progress of time: and many provisions have long outlasted their causes-and though originally wise, are become, by change of circumstances, highly inju rious. Are we to be such bigotted admirers of antiquity, as to endure them all without an attempt at amendment? But when the cause of humanity is at stake; when liberty, the most precious of our natural and civil rights is in question, we cannot hear without horror obsolete arguments and pedantic authorities pleaded as reasons for continuing a cruel, senseless, and intolerable grievance; which puts the thoughtless and unsuspicious in the power of the revengeful, the avaricious, and the extortionate; which

has

has the most direct tendency to defeat the purpose it pretends to have in view; which makes poverty a crime, and places the unfortunate in the society of the felon; which feeds the worst passions of the relentless creditor; and hardens the tender heart of adversity into wretchedness or despair!

Better were it a thousand times that credit should be annihilated, and commerce itself perish, than be encouraged by means like these! The debtors who encumber our prisons are the disgrace of our police. The abuses by which their debts have been swelled, and the inexpressibly detestable practices by which their confinement is aggravated, must fill every feeling mind with a degree of indignation above the power of language to paint. If Lord Moira had no other claims to public approbation, this alone would stamp his merit. He is too noble to be discouraged in his honourable undertaking by temporary opposition. And let the virtuous spirit of Lord Holland recollect that he will add new laurels, to those acquired by his honourable pursuits, by this new effort of his cultivated mind. It becomes a man like him, who adorns his station with the flowers of literary genius, thus to tread in the steps of his great uncle! These are the most grateful offerings, which he can strew on his mighty relative's grave! I am not ashamed to say this, in defiance of the opposition I feel to his political attachments.

March 17, 1808.

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