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thing involved in mystery carries with it, especially when connected with the history of the past. Heutzner fancifully appropriated these effigies to kings of Denmark who had reigned in England; but some of them are well proved to commemorate English knights of the period of the Crusades, some of whom will presently be mentioned. That even kings esteemed the privilege of sepulture among the Templars is apparent, from the fact that Henry III. (who is said to have been educated in this religious house), by a formal deed, provided for his burial within its precinct, as King Henry II. and Queen Eleanor had also done. It is, perhaps, needless to observe, that the monuments of these crowned heads nevertheless exist elsewhere. The earliest effigy that has been ascertained is that of the warlike Geoffrey de Magpaville, Earl of Essex, who flourished in the reign of Stephen. When dying, he received from the Templars the habit of their order, as a passport to heaven; and about 1144 was buried before the west door of this church. The historian, Matthew Paris (who died about 1259), tells us that William, surnamed Mareschal or Marshal, from his hereditary office in the kingdom, the elder Earl of Pembroke, was buried “ in the middle of the Church of the New Temple," and that near him were interred his sons, William and Gilbert, successively Earls of Pembroke and Marshals of England. One of the effigies commemorates this nobleman, who was a powerful baron in the turbulent reign of King John, and instrumental in securing Henry III. as his successor ; he died in 1216. Another of the effigies is that of Robert Ross, or de Ros, who died in 1215, and appears to have been one of the barons by whom Magna Charta was obtained from King John. His remains would seem to have been brought hither for interment from Yorkshire. From good authorities, we learn that William Plantagenet, fourth son of Henry JII., was likewise buried in this church, in 1256.

Of the recumbent effigies, these only have been satisfactorily appropriated. The two groups, in which, for years past, they have been disposed, included six other monumental designs, one of them being a stone coffin-lid. Three of these are statues without the legs crossed, and one of them is probably the effigy of an Earl of Pembroke, who died in 1231. In the effigy of Geoffrey de Magnaville, and the two other most ancient of the nine effigies, the sword is on the right hand side, a peculiarity conjectured to have been borrowed from the custom of the Saracens. These statues are not like any others at present known. The costumes and armour are of a remote period, and remarkable in the highest degree. The statue of the earl has an expression of martial grandeur; and the effigies are altogether unique. The feet of one of the crusaders rests upon what has been a dragon, in emblem of the religious soldier conquering the enemies of Christ's Church. In Dugdale's time, the whole of these remarkable effigies were within one railed enclosure in the centre of the pavement. They were afterwards separated, but were laid as close as possible to each other, and quite irrespective of chronological order. Stothard, in 1817, says,

that “during the late repairs of the church, by excavating the ground beneath the south enclosure, it was discovered that merely these coffin-lids (of which the figures, according to ancient custom, were a part) remained; neither the bodies they enclosed, nor the stone coffins to which they were attached, being found.” It is a remarkable and interesting fact, that Mr. Cottingham, in March 1841, during the progress of the repairs lately completed, announced to the Society of Antiquaries the discovery of the ancient leaden coffins of the knights, immediately under the spot where the effigies were theretofore placed, most of which coffins were embossed with crosses and foliage, in patterns resembling the ornaments of Norman architecture, a circumstance of almost unprecedented occurrence. The knights do not appear to have been buried in their armour. The coffins were in a very corroded state. These may have been removed when the altar tombs, to which it seems probable that the recumbent effigies originally belonged, were removed. Mr. Carter, in 1808, communicated to the Gentleman's Magazine his opinion that, until the repairs at the close of the seventeenth century, the effigies were upon their proper tombs on either side of the choir. Another intelligent antiquary considers, however, that they originally stood somewhere in the round church; and from Dugdale, in his "Originis Jurid" (A.D. 1691), it is plain that the removal to one group had been then effected, and the railing put up

These effigies of knights, though the most ancient and remarkable, are not the only monuments in the church of ages passed away ; there being, in addition to other monuments of very great antiquity and in memory of very distinguished persons, the effigy of a bishop, in pontifical robes, under the south wall at the eastern end of the church, with ancient appendages, and of a period probably anterior to the middle of the twelfth century. Many interesting monuments in this portion of the edifice were hidden by those modern innovations,' “ the church-lumber called pews ;" but from the good spirit in which the interior arrangements of this most interesting church have now been remodelled, the public had good reason to anticipate that everything would be removed which could impair the harmony or conceal the beauty of the edifice, or lessen the impressive feeling of the congregation, that they were present in the house of God; and in this anticipation the lover of ecclesiastical antiquity has not been disappointed.

It may not be inappropriate to conclude this notice with a few words on the history of the order of Knights Templars. Camden and other writers speak of them as having been, at the first, certain noble soldiers, religiously bent, who bound themselves by vow, in the hands of the patriarch of Jerusalem, to serve Christ, after the manner of canons regular, in chastity and obedience, and to defend the Christian religion and all such as came in pilgrimage to the sepulchre of our Lord. It appears, by the testimony of the first writers, that the order began under Baldwin II., in 1118. Matthew Paris tells us that in that year King Baldwin assigned to them a place in his palace, which he had in the south side of the Temple of the Lord at Jerusalem; and the king, the patriarch, and several prelates gave them lordships. Pope Honorius assigned them a white habit; and in the pontificate of Eugenius they assumed a red cross on their mantles. In their monastery they had soon three hundred knights, brethren innumerable, and exceeded kings in wealth. Those in the Temple, London, were called Brothers of the Military Order of the Temple. He further tells us that, in 1134, all the knights who were in the monastery at Jerusalem were slain; and shortly afterwards, being about the beginning of Stephen's reign, the order had settled at the Old Temple, without Holborn-bars. It appears that about the beginning of the reign of Henry II. the Templars left this old mansion, for what was afterwards called the New Temple, where the Inner and Middle Temple now exist.

Matthew Paris says that in the reign of Henry III. the Templars in London, “being in great glory,” entertained the nobility, foreign ambassadors, and the prince himself very often. They gained great esteem and respect on all hands, and had large possessions and much wealth in all parts of Christendom, enjoying great reputation for their exemplary piety. So early as the reign of Richard Cour de Leon these distinctions, however, had made them, as it is said, arrogant and proud. It is related that the king, on being warned by a French priest to rid himself of three daughters he kept with him, of whom Pride and Covetousness were named, answered, that he would presently bestow them in marriage : the Knights Templars, he said, should have his eldest daughter, Pride;

the white monks of the Cisteux order, Covetousness, &c. However this may have been, their power and their possessions became formidable and obnoxious to Christian potentates; and by the contrivance of Pope Clement V. and Philip King of France, the order was suddenly suppressed throughout Europe, in the reign of Edward II. In January, 1308, being in the first year of that monarch's reign, the Templars were attacked in one day throughout England, upon pretence of offences against the Christian faith, and their lands and goods, the real object of the proceeding, were seized, and were, in the seventh year of Edward's reign, under decree of the council of Vienna, delivered to the Knights Hospitallers of the order of St. John. At a Parliament, held in London in 1324, these possessions were, by authority of that Parliament, confirmed to the Knights of St. John and their successors for ever. The Temple then became the seat of Thomas Earl of Lancaster, and afterwards, being forfeited by his rebellion, of Spencer, the favourite of Edward II., and subsequently of Andomar, or Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, who was one of the chief peers of the realm, and in 1321 assisted the same king to defeat the confederated barons at Pontefract. Sir Aymer died in 1323, and his monument, it may be remembered, is one of the most remarkable in Westminster Abbey. The estate at last became an inn for the study of the common laws, and for that purpose is said to have been granted to a college of professors of the common law who came from Thavies Inn. It

seems probable that inns of court were formed as early as the time of Edward I., for in the twentieth year of that monarch's reign we find an injunction from the king upon the subject. The first restraint of the clergy from practising in foro seculari was in 1217 (2nd Hen. III.), though, until the sixth of Edward I., ecclesiastical persons were justices itinerant, and for long afterwards the great seal was held by episcopal hands. The testimony of Chaucer (who was a student of the Temple), the father of English poetry, shows that the professors of the common law were seated here in the time of King Edward III.

So that in this and its subsequent occupation the original character of the Temple is anything but preserved. It would seem that another site sanctified by religious profession also came to afford lodging to students of the law; for Whitehall is said to be on the site of an ancient church, also called a temple; and, after the dissolution of that foundation, to have been given to students of the law, bearing the name of White Hall, and seeming, as Norden, in his “Speculum Britanniæ" (1593), suggests, to have been one of the houses of Chancery, which, in old Fortescue's time (Henry VI.), were ten in number, and of which Clifford's and Thavies Inn only are the same that then existed. The holy lamb was, appropriately enough, on the seal of the Temple so early as 1273, for a deed of that year bears this device, with the legend, “Sigillom TEMPLI." The holy lamb seems to have been assumed, by the Middle Temple exclusively in the seventeenth century. The two armed knights riding on one horse was the ancient device of the Knights Templars, being intended, as it is said, to represent their poverty. In the fifth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, long after the separation of the Inner and Middle Temple, the heralds gave to the former a seal more appropriate to the character it had then taken in the university of the law, viz., a Pegasus, in allusion to the progress of the professors of the law in the liberal sciences; and, as an intelligent writer pleasantly remarks, it was thought that Pegasus, forming the fountain of Hippocrene by striking his hoof against a rock, was a proper emblem of the possibility of their ever becoming poets.

Though the Temple knights, their worldly possessions, and their temporal magnificence, have passed away, and “the place thereof knoweth them no more;” though the scene, around which religion anciently shed her holy light, chivalry its charm, and royalty its favour, has become devoted to less noble inhabitants—to the cold, selfish, matter-of-fact pursuits of every day life; though the gay, the thoughtless, and the plodding pass and repass, in busy succession, over the spot once hallowed by religion and beaming with holy zeal; and though we find “the reptile crawling where the lion trod;' still, amidst all this desecration, the earnest and the thoughtful, the philosopher and the antiquary, fiud, in this most interesting edifice, rich materials for beneficial contemplation. They can, in fancy, summon up and restore to view the beings and the associations of days long passed away; and he must be cold and insensible who can enter the sacred portals and listen to the sublime service, which, after a suspension of three years, is happily again performed beneath those consecrated walls, without re-animating the scene with the soldiers of the cross, and experiencing the glow of zeal in “our most holy faith" which warmed and actuated those illustrious worshippers, to whom, in this sacred edifice, it is his privilege to succeed.

SONNET,
ON HEARING A BEAUTIFUL ANTHEM IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY,

Yet longer let the awaken'd senses feel
The force, the sweetness of the hallow'd strain,
Charming to rapture that partakes of pain
Each nerve-'twould seem as o'er them steal
The streams of sound they silently reveal ;
Within their texture, as in fitting fane,
Music dwells latent :-would the soul restrain
Their harmonized vibrations, or conceal
Their chastened yet divine accompaniment ?
Two seraphs blending thought, as pure as light,
On one absorbing scene their souls have bent,
Shed not the according rays of their delight
In smiles with truer sympathy, than lent
These airs from heaven excite the soul's content.

L.

MEMOIR OF JAMES MARQUIS OF MONTROSE.

BY T. J. SCOTT, ESQ. SECTION V.THE BATTLES OF ALFORD AND KILSYTHR. Great as was the advantage gained over the rebels at the fight of Auldearne, their power was still overwhelming in Scotland; and after a short period of rest at Elgin, the cavaliers were again summoned to the field. Sir John Urry, with a band of one hundred horse (giving themselves out as followers of the Lord Gordon), passed unnoticed through the camp of Montrose, and escaped to the army of Colonel Baillie, who was lying at Strathbogie. When this junction was effected, the two commanders offered battle to Montrose, trusting that their numerical superiority would give them an easy victory. But the Royal general, though willing enough to fight, would do so only at his own time and place, and for the present refused their offer, and retreated to a strong position at the entrance of Badenoch. From this encampment he kept the enemy in perpetual alarm and uneasiness by a series of daring attacks, which were harassing in proportion as they were unexpected. Frequently the first intimation of his approach was the sound of the Royal trumpets in the middle of the Covenanting camp; and before the sleeping rebels could be drawn up so as to offer effectual resistance, the attacking party was far away in the wilds of Badenoch. At

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