an unity of purpose. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising, that this university did not answer the expectations of the legislature, nor of the public. So much dissatisfaction at length prevailed, that in the year 1805, the state entirely withdrew its patronage. We have heard other reasons assigned, than those we have mentioned, such as the spirit of party, unfortunate choice of teachers, and local prejudices. These, no doubt, had some influence; but we are convinced that no combination of fortunate circumstances could have remedied the evils at which we have hinted. Since the decision of the Dartmouth college question, it has been made a subject of debate, whether the proprietors of these colleges cannot regain their former privileges. It is urged, that many individuals made large donations, with the understanding, that the state was permanently pledged to continue the support at first granted. But it is so doubtful whether this point can be well sustained, that it is not likely any decided step will be taken. Although the state was disappointed in the success of this institution, it did not slacken its exertions in aiding the cause of learning. Its funds were distributed more largely to the counties. In most of the counties, respectable academies have been established, which receive annually considerable sums out of the state treasury. Each county, we believe, is entitled to eight hundred dollars, and some receive more. There are instances in which two or more counties have united their Charlotte Hall school is supported in this way, and sustains a high rank. In addition to these grants for academies, nearly as much more is given for common schools. The whole amount of money annually expended by the state of Maryland for the purposes of education, exceeds twentyfive thousand dollars. resources. These details are enough to show, that the efforts of this state in advancing the interests of learning have been liberal, honorable, and worthy of the highest praise. It has afforded its patronage to several literary institutions, by loaning money, granting lotteries, and other facilities. To Baltimore college it granted a lottery, which was to yield thirty thousand dollars. In 1807 the Medical college was founded in Baltimore, with the privilege of raising forty thousand dollars by lottery; and in 1812 the charter was extended to embrace all the departments of science and literature, with a privilege subsequently granted of raising one hundred thou T sand dol charter is four facu and scien To obtain the preser candidate ed lecture for the de for three which has this is beli is daily ris ful and spa dious. superior, to of the legis land, and it be brought divinity, Re lar course. course of le he has pub the expect evidences work on the St Mary' islature in 1 mas. This forth some o of the catho privileges, o dounds muel to literary in mally and e in favor of a fessors, visito nations and It is a com south, which sand dollars more. The institution with this extension of its charter is called the University of Maryland. It consists of four faculties, namely, divinity, law, medicine, and the arts and sciences; and is under the control of twenty-eight regents. To obtain a degree, students are required to be examined in the presence of the regents; and no one can be considered a candidate for the degree of bachelor of arts, till he has attended lectures in the university for the space of two years, nor for the degree of master of arts, till he has attended the same for three years. The medical department is the only one, which has yet gone into full operation. As a medical school, this is believed to be little inferior to any in the country, and is daily rising in reputation. The college building is beautiful and spacious, and the lecture rooms remarkably commodious. The chemical apparatus is considered equal, if not superior, to any in the United States. During the last session of the legislature, a loan was granted to the university of Maryland, and it is hoped, that all the departments will before long be brought at least into partial operation. The professor of divinity, Rev. Dr Wyatt, has given a few lectures, but no regular course. The professor of law, Mr Hoffman, is preparing a course of lectures, which, if we may judge from the syllabus he has published, will do honor to the university, and justify the expectations, which have been raised by the favorable evidences of his talents and qualifications exhibited in his work on the study of the law.* St Mary's college in Baltimore was empowered by the legislature in 1805 to admit students to degrees, and grant diplomas. This is a highly respectable institution, and has sent forth some of our first literary men. It is under the direction of the catholics, but no religious test is required to enjoy its privileges, or obtain a degree. It is, indeed, a fact, which redounds much to the honor of the state, that in all its charters to literary institutions, from the time of its first acts, it is formally and explicitly stated, that no distinctions shall be made in favor of any religious sentiments, but that students, professors, visitors, and regents, shall be taken from all denominations and be admitted to equal privileges. It is a complaint, we believe, of most of the states at the south, which have made donations for the aid of schools and P. 45. See a review of Hoffman's Course of Legal Study, N. A. Review, vol. vi, 1821.] colleges, that the money has not produced so good and extensive effects, as was desired and reasonably expected. This subject deserves serious attention. We are confident, that the munificence of the state legislatures has been much greater than is generally imagined. A statement of the amount of donations in the several states for a number of years past, and the manner in which they have been applied, would be a valuable document. It would afford a clue to the cause of failure in particular cases, and lay a foundation for a more judicious and beneficial management. We suspect the grounds of complaint may be traced to two sources; a deficiency of qualifications in the persons to whom the disposal of money is entrusted, and a want of proper care in selecting teachers. Before we wholly close this article, we beg leave earnestly to recommend the principal subject of it to the attention of the American public at large, and individually of the state governments in our own neighborhood, who cannot, we think, acquit themselves of unfaithfulness to the interests of their constituents, if they do not imitate the laudable example of the legislature of Maryland, in pursuing so important and just a claim. We need not, any more than the committee of the senate of Maryland, the framers of the Report before us, disclaim the idea of looking with jealously on the appropriations for education in the new states. We would sooner double than diminish them. But we must also be permitted to say, what experience, we believe, has already shown in some of these states, that the appropriations are likely, in the new states themselves, from hasty and injudicious application, and the general immaturity of society, to be almost wholly unproductive of any permanent utility; while by extending them to the older states, where there are already flourishing establishments for education capable of forming a nucleus for farther increase, the greatest benefit and honor would result to our common country. In conclusion, we cannot but express our gratitude to the legislature of Maryland for the enterprize and perseverance with which they have brought forward and pursued this claim, and to the chairman of their committee, Mr Maxcy, for the forcible and considerate form in which the Reports are drawn up. ART. XV pose of stu ART. XVI.-The Administration of the Criminal Code in England and the spirit of the English government, by M. Cottu, Counsellor of the Royal Court of Paris, and Secretary-General to the Royal Society of Prisons, and to the Special Council of the Prisons of Paris. Translated for the pamphleteer. London. 1820. We have suffered this pamphlet to lie by us a long time, in consequence of an intimation that an edition of it was about to appear in this town, under the direction of two eminent members of the profession; and we were desirous of recommending it to our readers as an American publication. This design seems now to have been relinquished, and we are unwilling to abstain longer from noticing a work, which recommends itself, as well by the peculiar circumstances which produced it, as by its intrinsic value. M. Cottu, as he tells us in his preface, was sent by the French government to England in 1819, for the express purpose of studying there the system and conduct of its juries; and it appears from the spirit displayed throughout the work, and the zeal and ability with which the commission was executed, that a more fit man could not have been selected. He judged very rightly, that in order to obtain a correct notion of the English trial by jury, it was necessary previously to familiarize himself with the general nature of the English constitution; and accordingly, a very large, and to us the most interesting portion of the pamphlet, is devoted to the author's remarks on the peculiar character of the government of Great Britain, and its influence on the manners of the people. M. Cottu, as may be supposed, was furnished with letters of introduction to some of the most distinguished members of the English bar; and if it is gratifying to observe the candor, ingenuousness, and ardor for truth, with which the errand was undertaken, it is no less so to remark the courtesy, hospitality, and willingness to communicate, which appear on the part of the English. Every friend of liberty and of peace must rejoice to see these two rival kingdoms approaching each other with such dispositions; throwing aside the feelings of jealousy and rancour, which for centuries have filled Europe with blood, and brought misery upon each other; and mutually inclined to reciprocate those offices of kindness and good fellowship, which New Series, No. 8. 45 cannot fail to be productive of happiness to themselves and of benefit to mankind. It reminds us of the best days of Greece and Rome, when the most illustrious citizens of rival republics were delegated, for the purpose of observing and bringing away whatever was excellent in the characters and institutions of their neighbors, for the improvement of their own country. We cannot but indulge the hope, that this visit is the prelude to a general and liberal intercourse between these distinguished nations. This grateful reception, united with his national enthusiasm, and the novelty of all he saw and heard, served to raise the admiration of M. Cottu for the government and people of England to a very high, we had amost said extravagant pitch. Though we agree most heartily with him in his encomiums on the British constitution, and on the manly, vigorous, and humane character of the British nation; we still think that, in the transports of his admiration, he has overlooked some of the faults, and misrepresented some of the features of both. It is not at all surprising that one born and educated in a country like France, in which civil liberty is unknown; who had read of republics where the people had a voice in the government, and where the magistrates were amenable to the laws, but who had felt only the galling weight of military law, should be lost in wonder and admiration on the first view of that beautiful system of civil polity which the English have erected for themselves. Like the artless inhabitant of some newly discovered country, who, acquainted only with simple nature, is shown for the first time a stately edifice, he is unable to discriminate between its beauties and defects, but gives vent to unrestrained expressions of surprise and delight. We are not inclined to find fault with M. Cottu, for the favorable view he is disposed to take of England and its government. We think it highly honorable to him that he has been able so far to divest himself of his national prejudice as to err on that side; but viewing the object of his adoration from the station of republicanism, we confess it presents to us an aspect somewhat different from that in which he has drawn it, and we feel ourselves bound to correct some of the mistakes into which he has fallen. We ought in justice, however, to remark, that the lively interest he feels in the object of his mission, while it leads to the inaccuracies we have alluded to, displays itself in a very ready perception of many of the nice peculiarities of English Jurispru without so diffic of obtai tution, a volumes ble treat quote his bugbear Bene punishm in the tin the peopl privilege, they cont curing ev this time ledge of 1 by this pr to be admi sufficient; even amo first degre fit appear it derived In late sensibly a their favor means alm der, therefo by which p gy, and it is death is pas We have nation of w stone, and i out M. Co strangers of and who are discover or manners an have escaped by the native |