believes in the honour of others, until he feels and knows that he is being designedly and systematically duped. Even then he is satisfied with a fair quantity of performance to a prodigious quantity of promise, for though deceived in certain people, he gives his confidence to others as frankly, readily, and truthfully as though all were like himself. Thus, the ready promises of Mr. Disraeli are received without a smile of incredulity or an indication of distrust. Hint that they cannot all be performed, and he will say, with just indignation, 'He has done well, Sir, and is entitled to credit.' So, as one of the public, we say-Christian of Christianized Jew, Radical of Conservative, Dissenter of Churchman-he has done well, and is entitled to credit.

This is what has been done within the last three or four months:

In FINANCES-the Receipts and Expenditure have been adjusted as nearly as it was possible to do it, with the large legacy of debt left by political predecessors. If it has not been practicable to reduce the extravagant outgoings from the national exchequer, it has been found practicable at least to carry on the government with a reduction of taxation. A difficulty was confessedly left. but since it was admitted and stated, one-fourth of it has vanished, and the expert and ready Chancellor of the Exchequer has engaged to overhaul the national expenditure so as to see what reductions can be effected. We may pretty safely reckon upon his doing so. Any minister who will do it honestly and effectively will save office for himself, and may risk an otherwise most unfruitful session. We are now far less heavily taxed than, as a nation, we were sixty or seventy years ago, but having more knowledge of finance, and of all the details of legislation, and a more direct and powerful control over both the Crown and the ministers, we chafe where we should, at one time, not have noticed a pressure. Not that we have any objection to the state-coach being gilded, or to the horses being pretty richly caparisoned, but if we have to draw the coach ourselves, we must not feel the traces. Sixty years ago' the heavy charger cared nothing for mere weight of metal; moving and being required to move faster now, and being perhaps of a more mettlesome breed, we will not bear the weight. Less harness or a lighter coach! is the order Mr. Disraeli has to execute between now and the next session.

In COLONIAL LEGISLATION not much has been attempted or required. As a rule, the less done in this department of our regal government the safer is it likely to be for both the extent and permanency of our rule. To lengthen the leading strings is, perhaps, the best and only thing that a wise statesman will attempt. This, unquestionably, will be the practical operation of the Indian Act of 1858. We have now made of that great empire an English colony. Having rebelled against the steward's authority, we have taken her under our own paternal government and protection, not with a view of curbing, but of rightly directing and enlarging her liberties. This is literally all that Lord Stanley's Act does. There is a cumbersomeness in its mode of doing this, an absurd and hampering provision for many councillors-with whom we are afraid there will be little wisdom'-and a rather shy and deferential fear of public responsibility, but the Act is understood by every one to be only a make-shift, and with stronger

faith and a stronger Parliament the noble lord may attempt a bolder measure. The next India Bill will, most probably, be brought before a Reformed Parliament, which will deal with the vested honours of East India Directors a little less humbly than either the late or the present Government. Meantime the public will have time quietly to study the Indian question. May they have the inclination! It is heavy work, but will be nothing like so heavy as it promised to be to any one who undertook it a year ago. Our 'situation' must now be accepted. We are the real masters of India. We may keep it if we like, on one condition,—that we rule it in a wise and Christian spirit. We have made an awful atonement for past injustice and treachery. In the case of Oude, if our national pride should prevent us from doing strict justice, we may still be laying up for ourselves years that will be heavy with trouble and sorrow. must be honourable enough to make reparation for our wrongs; many enough to admit them; strong enough to be generous in all our dealings; wise enough to govern in equity and with moderation. On these conditions India may remain ours, until it shall be better for her that she is governed without need of foreign power or aid.

Agreeing with Mr. Roebuck in the spirit of his motion respecting the Hudson's Bay territory, we are at some loss to see how the great results which he and others anticipate from the opening of that vast territory,—as large as all Europe,—to free emigration, are to be accomplished. It is yet a debateable question whether it is very habitable. The Governor has given evidence on both sides-the, "Times,' on what authority it does not state, describes it as a frozen and ice-bound region, more fit for seals and polar bears than for man-unless indeed he be a Scotchman! On the latter suppo sition, however, it would take a good many centuries to colonize the territory. Granted, that Scotchmen naturally gravitate towards the polar regionsall the Scotchmen in the world would make comparatively little impression on half a continent. On the other hand, however, Canada has not been slowly peopled, and though her inhabitants are few when compared with the extent of her territory, her strength as well for war as for peace is such as England could perhaps ill spare. Other considerations should urge one to throw open this great, though unknown land. There are few if any evidences yet of a decline in the physical vigour of the Anglo-Saxon race, but unless it be largely renewed by change of climate or admixture with other races, all analogy teaches us that it is likely to degenerate. Now, colonization influences race as transplanting will influence trees. Striking their roots into a new soil they will grow with increased vigour, and will so bear re-transplanting, that they may be returned to their old ground with a new life power. Thus, the Pritchards and Pickerings of a future age may perhaps be enabled to speculate on the effect of the transplanting of races. We are now sending stocks to all quarters of the globe. As though the four winds of heaven had blown it, our seed is being dispersed to every region, to be scorched and dried up, so as not to last through three generations, in some-as in India; to be mummified in others to have here new accession of muscle and there of bone; here to develop; power of contemplation, there strength of passion. Some day the descendants of these emigrants may desire to live in the land that their

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fathers inhabited. There may be as general a turning of faces towards the old sanctuary in the island, as there is now to the new 'sanctuary in the wilderness,' and thus the dying race may be revived. The decay of Greece, Italy, and Egypt, would scarcely have been brought about but for such a decay of race.

But we had almost forgotten that the author of the Caxtons,' and not the author of Tancred,' is Secretary for the Colonies. Sir Edward Lytton spoke on the Hudson's Bay question without reference to races at all. In a well-studied and eloquent address, he conceded the principal points to Mr. Roebuck. The Hudson's Bay Company is to follow as chief mourner to the defunct East India Corporation-and in due time, no doubt,—all national prejudices notwithstanding,-will be doomed to the Suttee. But no attempt at forced colonization is to be made. Civilization, said the philosophic statesman, cannot be forced, and for himself he will let it find its own level. The ground will be thrown open, and he who will, may go and occupy it. A new opportunity to the old world!

Ecclesiastical matters come next. Here we have to boast, not so much of reform of law as of reform of manner. The passage of the anomalous Jew Bill is no practical gain to liberty, it is simply the removal of a disgraceful stigma. Good legislation will gain not one iota by it, excepting that it will not be stopped by nights of discussion on this bill. We wish we could say the same on the Church-rate measure. Here we have only to acknowledge courtesy, which no previous Government has shown. To give thanks for a statesman's promise of consideration is rather too much to expect of us. We may get a satisfactory bill from the Cabinet, but we do not anticipate it. If we should not get it, Mr. Disraeli will find that the House of Commons will redeem his promises themselves. The rejection of this and the Deceased Wife's Sister's Marriage Bill, we owe principally to the bishops. The divisions on both, however, were highly encouraging, and the speaking more so. Perhaps we ought not entirely to regret the main result. The longer these questions are debated, the wider will be the area over which our principles are sown. So long, therefore, as we are not responsible for the rejection, we ought not to be downcast. Another cheering consideration is to be found in the circumstance of the bigotry, the narrow-mindedness, the egotism, the ignorance and intolerance of the bishops. If the law lords, or the heads of the nation had spoken such twaddle as came from mitre-weighted brains we should regret it; as it is, we unfeignedly rejoice that the bishops hesitate so little to add to the odiousness of their reputation. Every such manifestation as that on the Church-rate debate, and that worse manifestation of temper during the Marriage Bill discussions, will be found one day to have decreased by many years the tenure of their honours as Lords Spiritual and Right Reverend Fathers in God.'

The unopposed passage of the Property Qualification Bill will, we suspect, be fraught with greater consequence to reform than most people seem to anticipate. It is, however, being weighted with the 'travelling expenses' clause in the new Bribery Bill, moved by the silver-tongued member for the Tower Hamlets, but roughly and rightly opposed by two of the people's tribunes, Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Fox.

We need not notice other characteristics of Conservative Legislation: we have said sufficient to indicate the reasons of our being found at the side, though not in the ranks, of its independent supporters. It matters very little to us what may be the results to Mr. Disraeli and his party of this change of course which they have seen fit to adopt. To our own mind, it seems to us that in the end Mr. Disraeli will find himself without a party at all. The speeches of Spooner, Newdegate, and Bentinck on the Jew Rill, read so like the speeches of the old English gentlemen' who followed Mr. Disraeli into the lobby twelve years ago, as to suggest a further extension of the historical parallel. What knotted cords for his own back will the Chancellor's speeches then be!

Every one, we suppose, has read that wonderful page of the Times,' describing the laying of the transatlantic cable, where all the powers of nature seemed to unite in hurling defiance to the greatest efforts of man to control and subdue her most subtle energies. For a time they conquered, but we suppose not many months will elapse before we shall be able to say that the whole world is girded, and space itself annihilated. Another step towards making one all nations of the earth.-The religious journals record the successful results of a mission undertaken by Mr. Hinton and Dr. Steane to plead for increased liberty to an oppressed sect in Sweden. The deputation seems to have brought about another reform-viz., in the affection of Christian sects towards each other. There never was an instance where more good did not flow from a good action than we anticipated, and this is no exception to the rule. It is part of the benevolent economy under which we live that we should not be able to gauge the half of our rewards.

The Thames, it appears, is to be restored to the condition it enjoyed in Pope's time. About one half of the sum necessary to do this has been voted by Parliament to the control of the Board of Works. This ludicrous little parliament of ambitious shop-keepers-which has been talking for two years, and as yet has decided on nothing-is to settle the great drainage question. We hope it will not bring the representative principle into utter contempt. Sometimes a great work will awaken great energies, and we hope it may be so in this case; but, as a rule, we believe that such tasks as these are best left to the uncontrolled direction of one man of scientific knowledge and common sense.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

'F. Allen.-A letter addressed to this party has been returned to us through the post, with the notice, not to be found.'

'H. Jennings.'-Received.

'W. J. Cox,' Edinburgh.-Received, with thanks.

'A Constant Reader,' Leicester.-We regret that it is impossible to adopt your suggestion this year.

J. M.,' Leicester.-The explanation is easy; John does not say that the body was anointed at the time. And even if it had been, a second anointing would not have been inconsistent, but rather otherwise. Or the first may have been for embalming,—and hence the quantity-and the second for perfume. This is the most probable explanation.

'G. Shaw.'-We are obliged to differ from our friend, but we heartily thank him.

THE MONTHLY

CHRISTIAN SPECTATOR.

SEPTEMBER, 1858.

The Blue Book on Spiritual Destitution.

HAVE our readers read—we will not say studied—the 'Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords, appointed to inquire into the deficiency of means of spiritual instruction and places of divine worship in the metropolis, and in other populous districts in England and Wales, especially in the mining and manufacturing districts; and to consider the fittest means of meeting the difficulties of the case; together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendix?' We need not pause for a reply. Blue Books cannot be placed in the category of popular literature,' and the enormous bulk of this one in particular is fatal to the wide diffusion of its contents. 6851 questions and answers, occupying, with a copious appendix, 635 pages of foolscap paper, the weight of which must be four or five pounds, are exhaustive of common patience, if not of the subject to which they are devoted. Nor will the cursory reader find any short cut to knowledge, in the shape of an elaborate index, or of a comprehensive report. For practical purposes this last document might as well have been omitted, for though it cost the committee seven out of their twenty-one sittings, it is a vague and feeble production; and, as we think, utterly fails in doing justice to the interesting and suggestive facts elicited, it must be acknowledged, with a remarkable amount of pains-taking and shrewdness.

The committee, it will be remembered, was appointed at the instance of the Bishop of Exeter, who frequently presided at its sittings, took the leading part in the examination of witnesses, and prepared the draft of the report; and to this, we presume, may be attributed the narrow and thoroughly exclusive character of the inquiry. The professed object of that inquiry, be it observed, was to ascertain the 'deficiency of means of spiritual instruction, and places of divine worship;' but, as it has been well said, church destitution,