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flag in merchant ships, it was clear could never be conceded to us; and as Mr. Madison had made this an indispensable' item in the amount of reparation due for the insult on the national character, it was manifest that all hopes of Mr. Rose, to adjust the differences which had unfortunately been produced, must have rested on a very slender foundation. Our author in the three last chapters IX. X. and XI. confines himself to the controversy between Mr. Rose and Mr. Madison, in which he gives a faithful abstract of the arguments advanced on both sides. When he speaks of the early, unequivocal and unsolicited disavowal of an act not authorized,' on the part of the British minister, he expresses his feelings, in our opinion, rather too warmly. He says it cannot but occur that the merit ascribed to the British government, of a prompt, unequivocal and unsolicited disavowal of this act, and of the right of searching national ships, and the offer of atonement is quite imaginary.' It was by no means prompt and unsolicited, he observes, because it was wrung from Mr. Canning by the earnest remonstrances of Mr. Munroe ;' and 'would be quite inconsistent with the caution and craft always to be expected from ministers of state. It is ev ident that our author, in reasoning in this manner, considers the first note of Mr. Canning to Mr. Munroe before he knew any thing of the transaction off the Capes of Virginia, as nugatory, and as not amounting to any disavowal of the act of Admiral Berkley. As we have already had occasion to notice this very idea* in a previous part of this review, we shall now merely refer our readers to that passage, and confirm the sentiments which we there expressed.

"That the acknowledgment was far from unequivocal,' says our author, is evident from the causes in which the letter written in pursuance of a second remonstrance of the American ambassadour, in which the right of searching ships of war is virtually maintained; but only the execution of it, through the impulse of convenience foreborne.' Now the declaration of Mr. Canning to Mr. Munroe was, that his majesty's principles of justice and moderation had not permitted him to hesitate,' in commanding Mr. Canning to assure Mr. Munroe, that his majesty neither does nor has at any time maintained the pretension of a right of searching ships of war in the national service of any state for deşerters.' So far was this avowal from being extorted, as our author suggests, that it is made in consequence of a note sent to Mr. Canning from Mr. Munroe, before that minister had had authority from his government to treat upon the subject, and even before any statement of the facts attending it, had been precisely known. We are of opinion therefore, that Mr. Rose's declaration as to the early, unequivocal, and unsolicited disavowal of the unauthorised act of Admiral Berkley, was agreeable to truth and the spirit of amicable accommodation.

* Ordeal, page 242, 242

The question as to the repeal of the proclamation was a mere question of etiquette. The British demanded it on the ground of its being a measure of retaliation for an injury sustained; if, therefore, that nation had determined to make full and ample reparation for an unauthorized act of its officers, the continuance of the proclamation would necessarily be a bar to the adjustment of the wrong, in so far as it was a self-assumed satisfaction on the part of the American government. Mr. Rose was therefore commissioned to make the repeal of this edict a necessary preliminary, to his offering the full and ample reparation, with which he was empowered. Mr. Madison affected to consider the proclamation as a measure of precaution against future repetitions of the like enormity; and declares the proclamation not to have been directed against the British nation for one particular aggression, but in consequence of a series of injuries and insults, terminating in the violent outrage of the attack upon the Chesapeak. Yet it was clear from the instructions which Mr. Munroe had received from Mr. Madison, that these previous occurrences were not considered urgent arguments in the case; they are merely alluded to by the secretary, and Mr, Munroe does not even allude to them or the proclamation in his remonstrance to the British minister. The proclamation, however it might have been justified in consequence of the flagrant attack on a national ship, was not called for on account of any previous aggressions, particularly as they formerly had been made separate subjects of negociation. The British Order of the 16th October contained a concession in respect to the attack, which might reasonably have removed all future apprehensions, especially if the violent opposition to it in England be taken in

to account.

The attack on the Chesapeak was made in the open sea; now, how the President's proclamation could, by prohibiting the ingress of British vessels of war in the ports of the United States, so operate as a precaution, as to prevent the search of national vessels on the ocean, it is difficult to conceive. Yet precaution was the avowed motive for this self-assumed redress, precaution against future injuries of a like nature; when the principal, in fact the real cause which produced it, was an aggression on the ocean. These were obvious considerations, which should have induced the president to have abandoned the proclamation, when enforced by the multiplied assurances on the part of the British government. First, Mr. Canning's disavowal of the pretension which the act implied; then the British proclamation for deserters, which is another concession; the improper acts of the American recruiting officer, which occasioned the attack, and afterwards the sending a special messenger to treat upon the subject; and repeated assurances given both by Mr. Rose and Mr.Canning of their willingness to offer reparation. The proclamation, however, was adhered to, and the mission failed. The consequences have been, that the country has

been nearly ruined by an embargo for more than a year, and produced in part by a too rigid adherence to a mere punctilio, which might have been removed without dishonour, and in fact has lately been removed by our act of non-intercourse. So that the government have done voluntarily what they refused to do by request eighteen months ago. By the non-intercourse act, both the French and English nations are formally placed upon equal ground, and government seem waiting to take the first advantage of a favourable change in either party.

We have now finished our contemplated review of the American Register, and we confess, we entertain some prejudice against the af fected sensibility and croaking of our author, and indeed against many of his peculiarities of style; but we are much pleased with the publication on the whole. We consider it highly useful in its nature; it seems unexampled in this country, for industry and general accuracy of information, and though we recommend to our author not to show so evidently the democratick impulses of his feelings, in the historical narrative; yet we cannot but consider that his book may be rendered an important acquisition to the literature as well as politicks of the country.

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· THE exultations of the democrats since the adjustment of the dif ferences which have so long and so unhappily existed between the British government and ours, seem to derive their strongest interest from a presumption that the measures of the embargo and non-intercourse acts have produced important concessions in our favour; and that of conse quence the wisdom of the administration of Mr. Jefferson, in establishing and continuing the embargo policy, is displayed beyond contradiction or reply. But whilst we participate with our fellow citizens in the general joy produced by the promulgation of that adjustment, and whilst we are willing to admit that President Madison has acted as he ought to have done on the occasion, we are still far from considering our embargo to have had any effect either in producing the reparation for the attack on the Chesapeak, or the proposal to rescind the Orders in Council of Nov. 1807. As a few considerations on these subjects, may serve to place matters upon a right ground, it will not be amiss to examine the subject at this time.

The attack on the frigate Chesapeak is the first subject which occurs in the correspondence between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Smith; and an offer is made by the British minister, that in the event of such laws taking place' as would place the relations of Great-Britain with the United States upon an equal footing in all respects with the other belligerent

powers, he would make an honourable reparation for that aggression. The objection to the previous reparation resulted from the existence of the proclamation of the President, which prohibited the ingress of British vessels in our waters. This proclamation being considered an act of retaliation by the British, was the principal bar to the adjustment of our differences, with that nation, and Mr. Rose returned home from an unsuccessful mission, expressly formed to afford satisfaction for the injury we had sustained. The embargo had been laid previously to the time of Mr. Rose's arrival in the United States; it was continued for more than a year, and the last publick documents which were published by our government, left Mr. Munroe and Mr. Canning perfectly at a loss how to proceed. All negociation had terminated; and the proclamation of the President seemed the insuperable objection to a continnance of the correspondence on the subject of the Chesapeak. In the mean time a law passes through congress, interdicting to all publick ships and vessels of France and Great-Britain, the entrance of the harbours of the United States; and authorising the President, (without any reference to the Chesapeak)' in case either France or Great-Britain should so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States,' to renew our trade with the nations so doing. The proclamation of the President was thus virtually repealed; and an intimation was sent out to the British govenment long before the act passed, of the intention of congress to place both the belligerents upon terms of equality, in respect to aggressions committed.

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The British ministry took a sudden advantage in this favourable turn of affairs to offer an honourable reparation for an unauthorized attack upon a national ship, a reparation which but for the interference of a mere punctilio, would have been as ample eighteen months ago. As this difficulty was voluntarily removed by our own government when they placed both nations upon an equality, we cannot subscribe to the propriety of the opinion of Mr. Secretary Smith, that this equality is a result incident to a state of things, growing out of distinct considerations.' Surely the distinct considerations' here alluded to, are not the decrees of France, for they had existed before the embargo was established. It is very difficult to understand the nature of these distinct considerations. The embargo certainly had proved ineffectual in all its branches of coercion, and it is perfectly idle to attribute the unwillingness of Great-Britain, to offer the proper reparation for her aggression on that ground.

The real truth is, that the Orders in Council, had become to all intents and purposes a dead letter. Whilst the last decrees of Napoleon continue in force, the orders have only an obnoxious effect without producing any real advantage. For after they are repealed, we are just as badly situated as we were before, in regard to the colonial trade.

Great-Britain found it useless to persist in continuing a measure which France was enforcing in her behalf, and of which her enemy would justly experience the odium, in the event of a repeal of the Orders. It is obvious, that Great-Britain has seized a most excellent opportunity to make a favourable impression on the minds of the American people; and without making a single sacrifice either of her rights or her interests, the British ministry will be able to silence the opposition in parliament and create a friend in America, whilst the French West-India commerce will be completely blockaded, and her own decrees will prevent her participation in any other neutral trade.

It seems very probable that Napoleon will take occasion to consider the equality with Great-Britain upon which he is placed in the nonintercourse act, as such a cause of offence as to induce him to condemn all the American property in France; and when he learns our differences with Great-Britain are accommodated, he may feel inclined to declare war against us. If so, Great-Britain, has a double triumph; since she has publickly declared herself the ally of any nation which should be in open hostilities with France. That it is the policy of Great Britain to produce an enmity of this kind will not be denied'; and the method she has taken to produce the end seems sufficiently probable: for what will be the state of things? England will blockade the French West-Indian possessions, and thus prevent us from obtaining any colonial produce from her enemy, whilst she secures her own West-Indian interests at home; she is on friendly terms with us only by sacrificing Orders which had become a nullity, and making honourable reparation due for an act, an adjustment of which had been prevented by the interference of a mere punctilio. France on the other hand, finds herself shut out from the whole commerce of the world; and now that Great-Britain has settled her American dispute, Napoleon will find his own navy interdicted as much as that of England was subsequent to the affair of the Chesapeak. This will naturally rouse his rage against us, and hatred to his foe; but where his animosity will fall is difficult, perhaps impossible, to determine.

THE STATE ELECTIONS.

THE federalists have once more gained a victory in the elec tions of Massachusetts; but the greatest trial is yet to be endured. The Governour and Senators are already ours; the Representatives must be made so. The arguments of which the democrats make use are not the less powerful among the people,

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