was the only evidence which the publick had received of his talents, and with this reputation he entered the House, and with this reputation only, he left it. It is true, that a further developement of his talents, did not take place during his stay in Congress; but it is not true that it was owing to the short period' to which it was confined. He remained sufficiently long to have developed his talents on the many important and interesting topicks which were each day the subjects of discussion. Awed by the splendour which surrounded him, he dared not expose his prate to the keen animadversion of his contemporary opponents. Having just sense enough to practise the maxim of vir sapit qui pauca loquitor,' he shielded himself in a stupid silence, and sat scowling at the eminence, which he had not the power to resist. He therefore went out of Congress as he came in, with the reputation of being a very weak spoke in the wheel of government.

6

Mr. Lincoln was now appointed Attorney General of the United States, and during the long period in which he has held, we will not say discharged that office, he has permitted a farther developement of his talents by making one speech and an half in the Supreme Court.

The first speech was a sufficient developement of his talents, to induce administration to believe that in any future developement, it might be necessary for the interests of the country, that he should be assisted by other counsel, and therefore, in the celebrated case of the Sugar Re finers, Mr. Dallas was employed at the expence of several hundred dollars, to render this assistance. The cause was tried at the capitol, in Washington, during the sitting of Congress, before Chief Justice Marshall, and Judges Chase and Washington. The hall of the court was crowded with spectators, among whom were obseryed many foreigners of distinction and members of Congress. The honourable Levi Lincoln arose-one hand was rested on a large pile of law books, which it would seem he intended to use, the other contained a roll of manuscript notes of the case, to which it would seem he intended to refer. He neither used the one nor referred to the other He was on the floor about ten minutes, when, having concluded his prefatory remarks, he said, 'I will now inform this honourable Court, of the first point which I have taken in this case-He paused, 'I'say, may it please your honours,' (continued he, after a little hesitation) and paused again. The Court listened with the utmost attention; the spectators who were at a little distance from the bar, anxious to witness the event which this illustrious instance of the montes parturiunt,' seemed to promise, closed up in a semicircle round the balustrade of the fo'As I was saying, (said Mr. Lincoln) I have made a point.’— He had so. He told the Court that he begged their kind indulgence; that he felt exceedingly embarrassed, and wished a few minutes for recollection. The Court bowed assent, and Mr. Lincoln sat down.7 Vol. 1.

rum.

Z

After a pause of fifteen minutes, during which there was the most solemn stillness, Mr. Lincoln rose again. He continued to speak about ten minutes more. His manner was wild, incoherent, and unargumentative, and seemed to be an unconnected, promiscuous, and irregular assemblage of words, without the smallest attention to an ordo verborum. 'I have now come, (said he) may it please your honours, to the second point proposed I say-the second point which I have taken is this-I have got, (said he) to the second point.' He, however, was never able to get any farther, and the Court remain yet to be informed what that second point was. Mr. Lincoln was obliged once more to apologize to the Court for being unable to proceed. He said he felt an embarrassment which he could not conquer, and that Mr. Dallas would go on with the cause. A confused murmur was heard throughout the hall; it was the hum of vexation, disappointment, and keen remark. Some of the auditory felt chagrined at this debasement of our national dignity; some felt disappointed and astonished that this exertion of forensick eloquence should have terminated in such a mortifying de velopement of the talents of their Attorney General; and others laugh. ed at the impotency which they had predicted—whilst the poor Mr. Lincoln sat down at the bar and covered his face with his hands. It would be vain to deny the truth of this statement; the hundreds who were present can testify to its truth.

MR. GORE A TORY.

A bad cause is generally supported by sophistry or falsehood. Among the clamours of opposition to Mr. Gore, with which our ears have been assailed by the democrats, none has been more distinctly made known than this, that he was an OLD TORY during our revolutionary war. Now this is utterly false, and the democrats know it is false. What act of his have they mentioned in proof, or what opinion of his, have they suggested, as affording the slightest presumption of the fact. In the first place, he was not more than sixteen years of age, and then he was studying quietly at College, in Cambridge. But his father was certainly a tory, and the son is of the same breed; if the democrats determine to visit the sins of the fathers upon the children, what is to become of Mr. ERVING, employed in Europe as the Secretray of Legation in Spain, whose father was a tory and pensioner under the British government? The truth is, however, that Mr. GORE, young as he was, promulgated sentiments most favourable to the American cause, and the best proof is that he was chosen a member of the Convention of Massachusetts, on the adoption of the Constitution.

DEMOCRATICK CONSISTENCY.

ENGLISH ORDERS versus FRENCH DECREES.

THE argument of the Democrats was, that if we should open a trade with England for the continent of Europe, the duties we should be obliged to pay there would amount to tribute; and that our honour (laughable) forbid the prosecution of such a traffick. That objection is now removed. The order in council of the 21st Dec. suspends the duties on exportations of articles being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any country for the time being in amity with his majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded. Our non-intercourse a completely renders this concession nugatory. But though we cannot take any commercial advantage of the permission, we can discover in it a friendly disposition on the part of Great-Britain, which country is denounced as our most decided enemy; whilst on the other hand, Holland, one of the friendly nations, according to Mr. Gallatin's circular, has issued a decree which provides that no vessels shall be permitted to enter the ports of that kingdom, whether friendly or not; but that the harbours of Holland shall be completely occluded. If neutral vessels are stranded upon the Dutch coast, and disabled from putting again to sea, the king kindly condescends to admit their cargoes into the royal warehouses, there to be kept in safe custady until the conclusion of peace. And our AMERICAN SEAMEN, by this decree, are liable to be impressed without distinction in the Dutch navy. The American master is expressly degraded to a common sailor. Neutral vessels which may have touched at any enemies' port, or taken in letters or passengers during their voyage, shall not be warned off but shall be condemned and confiscated. These are some of the terms of a decree which goes into opera. tion without notice; the neutrals are absolutely taken by surprize.

may

have ac

Suppose the crew of some American ship, which cidentally met an English man of war, and had passengers forced on board of her, should arrive off the coast of Holland, without any knowledge of this decree; what will be the effect? She is immediately confiscated, and the master and crew,' by the terms of the third article, shall without any distinction, be put on poard any one of their ships of war, to serve therein as common sailors. Here

is a principle indeed, which goes infinitely beyond not merely the right for which the BRITISH Contend, for that is clearly theirs, but beyond their most flagrant practice. This principle avows as a right, that one belligerent may oblige a neutral seaman to enter his service in opposition to another belligerent, on the ground of his having been forced by that other, into taking passengers on board his vessel; and this too, not only without previous notice to the neutral of his danger, but by expressly decoying him into the snare; for says the second article, vessels under such circumstances shall NOT BE WARNRD OFF, but be detained and confiscated.' The decree in practice amounts to this. Now how will government overcome their hitherto acquiescent deportment towards France and her dependencies? Will they dare to speak so boldly to Holland, as they have done to Great-Britain? Will they dare (as they ought) to speak more bold? No, they tremble at the nod of Napoleon, and as he points his finger, are they ready to follow, to retreat, or to remain at rest.

"This most barefaced outrage on all just principles of international law is not interpolated by Great-Britain,' but by Holland. King Louis, a mere satellite of his brother Napoleon; a mere piece of drapery in his imperial robe; an insignificant imp of royalty, who dares in the face of the world, to insult the dignity of Mr. Jefferson's government, by a most infamous decree. What must we think of an administration, which any foreign nation could dare to treat with so much disrespect and even ignominy? Must we not perceive that we deserve to be reproached to the very beard, by suffering such a set of drivellers to rule over us; and think it time to break the chains of infatuation in which we have so long been held in bondage; or else gravely to give ourselves up to the complete control of France, and anxiously petition Napoleon to protect us in our submission?

MESSRS. EDITORS,

AS I was travelling lately towards Portland, in a solitary mood and on horse-back, my attention was suddenly arrested by a bundle of papers carefully wrapped up, which appeared accidentally to have been dropped near the foot of a tree, just upon the edge of the road. It was nearly covered, from which reason it had escaped general observ

ation. I picked up the parcel and opened it; I found it consisted of letters from an English traveller in this country, to his friend in Jamaica. I considered them somewhat interesting, and at any rate, a great loss to the traveller himself, who I presume intended to publish them on his return home. I conclude he has now left the United States for Canada, from some expressions in his last letter. If he should ever see this notice, he will find out that his pacquet was not materially damag`ed, though the writing appeared to have faded considerably, from having lain for some time under the snow, and in a few places it is not quite intelligible. The spot where it was found was somewhere about half way through Sacɔ woods; very near to a pine-log bridge. The author may receive his papers in good order, by sending you a letter, proving his claims to the property; but in the mean time I shall think myself authorized to send you occasionally some of the letters, to grat ify the curiosity of your readers.

YOU know my reasons for leaving Jamaica were peremptory, my dear friend; I departed from there with reluctance. Our voyage to this place was not remarkable for any thing, but a continued repetition of vulgarity, from the seamen on board ship. The American seamen swear a great deal; I wonder the government continues the embargo on their account! Appropos. I find those inhabitants of Boston, with whom I conversed on the subject, excessively ignorant and speculative, as far as regards the effects of that political measure in distressing the West-India Islands. You know, my friend, how well we were supplied with every necessary of life, before I left Kings.ton ; and in my arguments with some of the inhabitants of this place, I have urged the facility with which we can raise a sufficiency for the consumption of the negroes; the numerous vasions of those restrictive laws, which must of necessity take place among an enterprizing set of men, like the Americans, and the advantages we derive in Europe in consequence of their trade being withdrawn. They however, fully calculate that the whimsical notions of their President will be realized, and that we shall yet be obliged to give up the point; which if they were in the least acquainted with Mr. Canning or any of the present ministry, they ought to consider entirely out of the bounds of probability. But more of this hereafter.

e