we proceed as through the deepening horrors of Dante's awful poem. Lateran, and Lateran, and Constance, and Florence display themselves, rivalling those terrible circles, with a darker and darker interest. To conquer conscientious scruples, and compel a feigned assent by torments ending in death-to proclaim that faith solemnly pledged must be renounced as a crime when the church so requires-to ascribe to weak, sinful man the office and attribute which God hath reserved to himself-in short, to propagate the religion of Christ by flame, and sword, and treacheryand to exclude from its part in evangelising the world, that word of truth which God commanded to be written for our learningthese are legends which popery hath wreathed around her brow since the days of Alfred; and it is somewhat unreasonable in her advocates to expect, that we shall allow them to confound that abomination of desolation which has so debased Ireland with the yet undeveloped mystery of iniquity, which menaced, but yet had not wholly corrupted religion a thousand years ago.

But, indeed, the champions of the church of Rome have thought themselves free to shift their argument as might best suit their immediate purpose. They have had no respect for the unities. When the character of the Roman church was inferred from the acts it countenanced, they said, let us have principles.' When principles were shown in recorded doctrine, they said, 'our business is with men;' and when, in Ireland, they were shown the doctrine unchanged, and the men-such as miserable Ireland proclaims them -they said, not religious obligations but human laws have done this evil.' Law has been changed to meet their wishes-and since their alleged cause of ill has been removed, a fiercer intemperance and a blacker malice appear in the outrages of the lowly disturbers a more perplexing and alarming casuistry is discernible in the profession and practice of the educated. We are anxious to learn what will be the next device-whether the constitutionmania will still prevail; whether the Government, of which Mr. Grant forms so active and influential a member, will desire us to inure ourselves to the Irish paragraphs' in the journals, because it is more liberal,' more philosophical,' more worthy of the nineteenth century' to govern by law a country where none but rebels and murderers are free, than to withdraw for a time that impracticable abstraction, under whose prohibition and protection crime seems to possess a chartered impunity.

sys

Our conclusion is, that neither the circumstances of Ireland, nor the character of its population, can justify our persisting in this tem. We cannot rationally hope to see that country improve, or to find our own country respected there, until we have delivered welldisposed subjects from the counsels and cruelties of wretches, whom

VOL. XLVI. NO. XCII.

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our

our fastidiousness leaves free to vitiate a neglected people. We should legislate for the good of the man who rises to quiet labour in the morning, and wishes to lie down at peace in the night; and if he cannot have security uuder our boasted constitution, we should not be deterred, by the outcries of any to whose greatness public affliction is necessary, from arming law with such powers as may abridge their occupation and tranquillize the country. We want to root out of the land every fibre which puts forth noxious shoots. We cannot reach them through the ordinary instrumentality of law. They are protected against it. Experience has proved, that there are means by which society can be delivered from them. Shall we neglect to use these safe facilities of doing good? The plagues of Irish society walk abroad without dread or disguise; but they can shed their contamination and blight, and afford no clue to their legal exposure or detection. They can avoid being taken in the act of crime, and further they are free from apprehension; but, let magistrates have the power which the legislature in former days gave them-let this power be given, not for a brief moment, of which insurrection can await the period-let the rule be to make the law strong-let the exceptions be those graces which, after proofs of permanent tranquillity, a discreet government shall be justified in conceding; then the British constitution may be gradually extended, as districts become fitted to receive it, or it will be made evident to all, that the stricter system is that which is better adapted to the circumstances of Ireland.

This is, what we would esteem conforming institutions to the people for whom they are designed. There is a conformity of a different character which is, we acknowledge, with some parties more popular. It is that of making the Roman Catholic church the instrument of tranquillising, and improving a country, where hitherto it has been the mainspring of mischief. We conceive that the principles of that church, and the practice of its ministers, afford ample warning against trying such an experiment. Have the priests power to prevent the evil which desolates and disgraces Ireland?-what are we to think of the system which can allow of their contemplating the advancement of their church by means so nefarious?—can we ever rely upon it as a permitted instrument of good? Have they not the power to prevent crime?—what reason have we to expect that an endowment must bestow it or why may we not conclude, that the power which now is not conducive to good, if law assert its authority, will soon cease to be dreaded for evil? We are perfectly certain, that popery has been too deeply injured in Ireland, to leave its priesthood at liberty to promote a tranquil temper among its votaries. The spirit which has

smitten

smitten it in foreign lands has not been inactive in Ireland-the efforts of those who contended for the cause of reformation have not had their efforts ruined by the sneers of the unbelieving. Popery is unsound at its heart-core, and fierce political contention is the counter-irritation' by which the activities of awakened intellect and conscience must be drawn away from the point where they would be dangerous. Whenever agitation ceases in Ireland, the inevitable hour of the Roman Church has come. It is too much to expect that the priesthood of that Church shall labour for tranquillity. There must always be kept open some vent for those humours that might otherwise strike in on infallibility. Every day there is clearer and clearer evidence afforded that the existence of popery, even in Ireland, is most precarious; that it is sustained by drugs and practices which, if a season of tranquillity prevail, and their power to stimulate ceases, have but prepared her for dissolution. Will she invoke that tranquil, dreaded time? Ought we to expect it? She has, no doubt, on some occasions lent assistance to the law; but experience assures us, that the Romish priesthood in Ireland have always given their aid, not to the government which flattered them most, but to that which possessed the strongest powers of coercion. When conspiracy has been laid bare; when insurrection has been chastised with exemplary severity; when a disposition might be apprehended to arm law with new powers, or to exercise it with a more wholesome rigour pastoral addresses and pulpit exhortations have taken the tone which, on such an occasion, the policy of the Church demanded; but no such denunciations as would serve the cause of peace, and confound crime, appear to have been uttered when gentle and unsuspicious governments permitted treason to arrive at maturity. If therefore the assistance of the priests be looked for, let it be shown that law can assist itself; but if a sound principle of governing be that which is to be adopted, let nothing be done which shall make it the interest of new and numerous stipendiaries to render their services necessary.

We conclude with repeating our conviction that, if Ireland is to be preserved as an integral part of the empire, it must be by some more substantial power than the British constitution, in its milder form, possesses. History is abundant in proofs that that constitution has not worked well there; and we think we have shown, by characteristic traits, that the deficiency was not accidental. England may be assured that the more her legislature becomes impregnated with Irish representation—that is, the more the party who are purely Irish succeed in their endeavours to return members to our parliament-the more difficult it will become to legislate for that country with a comprehensive

regard to the interests of the general union. As yet, by the wisdom of former days, the effects of an anti-Anglican party are to some extent withstood; but if the close boroughs erected for the protection of the British interest shall have been not merely destroyed, but put into the hands of those against whose efforts these fastnesses were originally constructed; if ever that portion of representation primarily intended to diminish the strength of the mere Irish, shall be found most constantly and fiercely opposing England, it will be a difficulty all but insuperable to enact such laws as may, by tranquillizing a giddy populace, deprive their leaders of authority or emolument. The late parliament had an opportunity to witness how effectually the cause of turbulence may be defended, and how little, when party purposes require dissension, the interests of peace may be regarded. Mr. Stanley's proposed and abandoned Arms Bill is a document of much instruction. It would have furnished important facilities to prevent as well as to punish crime. It would have imposed no real inconvenience or restraint on those whose lives were peaceful. But it was not acceptable to an Irish member, and Mr. Stanley, mortified and humbled, confessed his rashness, and withdrew it.

We by no means confound Mr. Stanley with the men among whom he at present condescends to sit. We entreat him to use his own understanding, and consider this untoward event.' What lesson can he draw from it? Let Irish Representation be, as it is called, set free, while that country is subject to the influences which now afflict it, and the same engines of terror which dictate perjuries to the witness, will be found coercing the freeholder at the hustings. Terry Alt will be in the parliament as well as in the field-a union, not of oaths, but affection,' may subsist between his representatives and his men-at-arms. The councils of the legislature will be perplexed and interrupted-truth will be denied, and most disgraceful falsehoods perseveringly asserted-contempt and abhorrence of the Irish character will be rapidly increasing upon us—the inconveniences of a common legislature will be manifesting themselves under circumstances of varied and most opportune vexation, until, at last, sanguine men will call out for a separation, that again, if Europe permit, Ireland may be made a field of blood, and thoroughly conquered into obedience.

These are the evils we fear, and therefore we say now, give peace to a troubled land, by taking the guardianship of it into an effectual keeping. To do this, demands only the resolved will. Difficulties vanish before the determination to subdue them. Strength appears provided for him who would wisely and mercifully employ it. In Ireland, insurrection is a dastard, and loyalty is brave. We have only to call upon our friends, and we shall

find no enemies. We have only to display a firm purpose of putting treason down, and very soon the crowds whom terror or frenzy brought together will disperse, and leave the more flagitious villains exposed for the just vengeance of law to strike them. We would not neglect the condition of the poor; it is, however, very important to discriminate between the just complaint of an aggrieved people, and the outbreakings of a discontented spirit. In one case we recognise the symptom of a disease which requires medical aid; in the other the indication of an evil purpose which calls for chastisement and coercion. Whatever be the law, let government uphold it; let not the anger of an ungrateful sect or party be an excuse for violating it. If it be, there never will be any want of outrages to indulge, and sacrifices to mourn over. Let Government persevere in its present course— let those who stimulate the people to outrage be condemned and promoted-let those who dare to support the law be plagued with vexatious prosecutions, acquitted, and ruined-let the false accusations of slanderers in high places be uttered without reprehension of their vileness-let the solemn allegations of injured men be dismissed with contempt-and there needs no prophet to pronounce what will be the result. We shall see protestantism parting, not in peace (if it do not contend in blood) from the Irish coasts; we shall see popery strengthening, and extending itself in all the provinces of Ireland; we shall have the animosity to which the clergy have been sacrificed, turning its rage upon our SaxonIrish gentry; we shall have hatred of our laws and dominion as openly proclaimed as we now permit it to be denounced against our church and religion; and, in the end, at some conjuncture, when the peril will be greatest, we shall either be called upon to renounce a country grown too strong for a step-mother's rule'— or we shall have to fight a bloodier battle than yet has cursed that land-and then to break down, by sheer despotism, a spirit of opposition which could now be reclaimed and ruled by benevolence, and determination, and justice.

ART. VI.--Chansons de P. J. Béranger, anciennes, nouvelles, et inédites; suivies des Procès intentés à l'Auteur. Paris. 1831. THE poetical reputation and the political importance lately

attained in France by one who originally was, and who still claims to be, no more than un pauvre chansonnier,' are too remarkable to be omitted from that general view of literary history which it is our duty to afford our readers.

M. Béranger was unknown-at least to the public-till about

the