Schleswig, he pressed the King of Denmark to recall the Constitution of November. He begged the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to guarantee the integrity of the Danish monarchy, he threatened to send a fleet into the Baltic, he called on all the Powers to crush Augustenburg, he begged that the AustroPrussian ultimatum might be deferred for six weeks. Everywhere he found a deaf ear. The Danes had placed themselves in the wrong. Russia welcomed their humiliation, and owed some gratitude to Prussia for her attitude in the Polish rebellion. Napoleon wished for the friendship of Prussia, and desired nothing more than to see Prussia and Austria at loggerheads. A last effort of Lord Palmerston to procure the postponement of military operations failed. The two Powers marched forward to their destiny; Bismarck certain of his own mind, Austria following blindly into the unknown.

Moltke's plans for the conduct of this campaign were as follows. The war,' he said, 'is easy to conduct but difficult to finish.' The only way of bringing it to a conclusion was, in his opinion, to cut off all supplies from the enemy by occupying as much territory as possible. The Danewerk must first be attacked, and this not in front but by turning its eastern flank. If Prince Frederick Charles could cross the Schlei and make a forced march on Flensburg, the retreat of the Danish army to the north and east would be cut off; it would be driven to the west, and there annihilated. If these operations were not sufficient to compel the Danes to peace, it would be a loss of time and a waste of life to attack the lines of Düppel. It would be better to overrun and occupy the whole of Jutland. If this should not lead to peace, the third step would be to mask the fortress of Fredericia and to throw a large force on to the island of Fünen, which would certainly bring about the desired result. Unfortunately these plans were not carried out by General Wrangel. A surprise which Moltke had not foreseen was in store for the Prussians. On the night of February 5, the Danewerk was evacuated. This unexpected event produced a great sensation in Europe. The fortifications which Napoleon had predicted would hold out for two years had fallen in five days. Still it was not an advantage to the Prussians. The strict carrying out of Moltke's designs would have reduced the war to a military promenade. That General now went to the scene of action and ordered Prince Carl to watch Düppel with the first corps, while Gablenz with the division of Guards marched against Jutland. This was opposed by Austria for political reasons, and eventually forbidden by Bismarck. Wrangel wrote angrily to the King that diplomats

who

6

who interfered with the finest operations of war deserved hanging. Bismarck obtained knowledge of this despatch, and when Wrangel returned to Berlin treated him on all occasions with absolute neglect. One day when they were seated side by side at the King's table, Wrangel said to Bismarck, My son, canst thou not forget?' 'No,' was the answer. After a short pause the General said again, My son, canst thou not forgive?' With all my heart,' said Bismarck, and they remained ever after good friends. In the meantime the continuance of the operations was beset with difficulties. The war was unpopular in Austria. There were symptoms of an increased intimacy between France and Italy. The opposition of England to the war became more and more bitter. Napoleon, supported by Palmerston, threatened an armed intervention. Moltke, however, said with truth, If Napoleon has not attacked us for the sake of Schleswig, he will not do so for the sake of Jutland.' At last, on March 1, a compromise was effected by a new treaty between Austria and Prussia. The most important result of this was that the arrangements of 1852 were considered definitely at an

end.

The storming of Düppel formed part of the new agreement with Austria. Moltke was opposed to it, but gave way on the consideration that the success of the operation might confer honour on the Prussian arms, and might bring diplomatic hindrances to a speedy termination. The English Government was anxious that the proposed Conference should meet on April 12. Bismarck replied that the date would suit him as well as any other, but that he could give no formal acceptance until the Conference had been approved of by the German Confederation. It was very important that Düppel should be taken before this date. Sonderburg was bombarded at the beginning of April. Although due notice had been given, all the inhabitants had not left the town, and some women and children fell victims. Sir Andrew Buchanan wrote a private note to Bismarck asking him if this was true, and received the answer that he had no information upon the subject, and that he was astonished that such a question should be addressed to him by a friendly Government. The matter was discussed in the English Parliament. Lord Shaftesbury declared that Prussia could no longer be reckoned amongst civilized nations. Lord Palmerston expressed himself in the same sense. Bismarck contented himself with publishing in the Berlin newspapers a list of the coast towns and fishing villages which the English fleet had bombarded and plundered in the Crimean war. The storming of the lines of Düppel did not take place till April 18, but

after

after five hours' severe fighting ended in a complete victory for the allies. King William received the news just as he was returning from the review of a regiment of Guards. He hurried back to give the joyful message to the troops, and then hastened to the scene of action. The whole of Schleswig was now in German hands, but the Danes still held out. Moltke strongly urged the occupation of Fünen. This victory of the allies produced a considerable change in the public opinion of Europe. The French Government declared that the union of the Duchies with Denmark was now impossible. The correspondent of the 'Times' in the Prussian lines wrote in the same sense. Similar views began to make their way in England. King Leopold of Belgium persuaded Queen Victoria that such a union would be as great a failure as the union between Belgium and Holland had been. Bernal Osborne gave utterance to the same idea in the English Parliament.

On April 9, before the opening of the London Conference, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, held an important conversation with Count Goltz, the Prussian Ambassador in Paris. He stated that the design of England was to secure the integrity of the Danish monarchy-a programme which could not be accepted by Germany, and which France was prepared to oppose. The arrangements of 1852 and the personal union were equally inadmissible: the only solution was to cut off Holstein and Southern Schleswig from Denmark. The future of the Duchies should be determined either by a plébiscite or by a representative assembly. France would be sorry if the inhabitants voted for an independent government under the Prince of Augustenburg. On the other hand, if they decided for annexation to Prussia, the Emperor would support that view at the Conference. He would not ask Germany for any surrender of territory, but only for such compensation as would be generally acceptable. In this manner the incorporation of the Duchies with Prussia, which had long been in the air, was now officially suggested by the French Government. Bismarck's answer to that proposal was very cautious. He thought it unwise to say anything about annexation with Prussia until it was quite clear that this was the only alternative to incorporation with Denmark. He said that he should propose at the Conference the personal union of the Duchies with Denmark, with the inclusion of Schleswig in the German Confederation; an offer which was certain to be rejected. Napoleon, who had become still more friendly to Prussia after the taking of Düppel, agreed to this course. The understanding between the two Powers was veiled, of course, in

the

the deepest secrecy. The Conference met in London on April 25. Its first act was to demand a cessation of hostilities. On the following day the first division of the Austrian fleet under Admiral Tegethoff was sighted off Deal. Lord Palmerston told Count Apponyi, that the appearance of this squadron in English waters, to take part in a war which England had always considered unjust, was an insult to the English nation; that, if Tegethoff sailed into the Baltic, the English Channel fleet would follow him to protect Denmark, and a war between Austria and England would be inevitable. An armistice for one month was at length concluded on May 12, and on the same day an engagement took place between the Austrian and Danish fleets. The voice of the Duchies was now loudly raised in favour of separation from Denmark, and an address signed with 30,000 names asked that they might form either a separate State under Prussian protection, or an integral part of the Prussian kingdom. Bismarck encouraged the agitation. He wrote to Zedlitz: 'Let the whole pack give tongue.' Whether they voted for Augustenburg or not was all the same to him. The important thing was the separation from Denmark and the annihilation of the treaty of 1852. The secret papers placed at Sybel's disposal show that Bismarck urged his Austrian colleagues to demand the independence of the entire Duchies and the personal union with Denmark, in the full knowledge that the proposal would be rejected. The proposition, in fact, was never definitely made. It was dead before it was born. It was evidently inadmissible, and it became necessary to look for some fresh arrangement. The English Cabinet was in favour of the partition of Schleswig according to nationalities.

Bismarck now sent a very crafty despatch to Vienna. He said that, since the personal union had failed, it was necessary to demand the separation of the whole of Schleswig from Denmark. To leave any portion under the Danish Crown would only lead to future trouble. He said that he had no particular objection to the succession of the Prince of Augustenburg, if the population should desire it; but in this case the Prince must first retire from his surroundings and leave the matter entirely in the hands of the two allies. In conclusion he remarked that the annexation of the Duchies to Prussia had been suggested, but that the King would take no step in the matter without the full concurrence of his Imperial ally. Bismarck was obliged to move cautiously. Both his sovereign and the Crown Prince were in favour of the Augustenburg succession. Austria was naturally of the same opinion, and was strongly opposed to any increase of Prussian territory. Vol. 171.-No. 342.

2 A

Now

Now to their surprise Bismarck was preparing the very solution which they most desired. At the beginning of June the young Prince came to Berlin, but seemed little inclined to submit to the influence of Prussia. At the same time the Duke of Oldenburg began to assert his claim to the Duchies which had been made over to him by the Emperor of Russia, head of the House of Gottorp. Bismarck did not reject his aspirations, but said that he preferred the choice of Augustenburg. It is needless to follow the mazes of the Conference. Bismarck contrived to mould each proposition into a form in which he knew it would be rejected. The last sitting was held on June 25. Lord Clarendon said to Bernstoff on the following day: You have up till now won your game; you entered the Conference as you leave it, masters of the situation. It is for you to see how long this will last. War must first decide whether the confidence of the Danes in the impregnability of their islands is wellfounded.'

The

Lord

The war was renewed by the capture of Alsen. Danes began to lose heart from the failure of the Conference and the unwillingness of England to assist them. Palmerston had sounded both France and Russia with regard to an armed intervention, and had met with refusal in both quarters. Immediately after the fall of Alsen, King Christian ordered his ambassador in Paris to ask the Emperor whether Denmark might expect any assistance. On the morning of July 8 a telegraphic answer arrived, 'All is lost, the Emperor will do nothing for us.' The King summoned Monrad, the Prime Minister, to his presence, and said, 'All is lost if I do not change my ministry.' Monrad, pale as death, replied, "Sire, I agree with you entirely, I could not sign such a peace as is now alone attainable. Your Majesty will do what you consider necessary for the good of our country, which has been the object of all my efforts. I offer my resignation.' The King cried, 'Yes, you resign after accomplishing the ruin of the kingdom, and yet you dare to pose as the saviour of the State, that is too much.' Monrad bowed with a low obeisance. "History,' he said, 'will one day do me justice; I have done my duty.' With these words he left the Chamber.

The terms proposed by Bismarck were the entire surrender of all territory south of Königsau, and a recognition of any arrangement which the allies might make about the three Duchies of Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg, including the enclaves of Jutland in Schleswig. Any inclusion of Denmark in the German Confederation was impossible. These conditions were eventually accepted. An attempt was made to