the successive and signal failure of all ordinary remedies has shown, that the causes are deep-seated, and mixed up with the very structure and constitution of the society. In vain have the hands of Government been strengthened, and the terrors of its power let loose, in every form of civil proscription and military execution. The evil of an alienated population is not to be so overmastered. They cannot love a constitution from which they are excluded; nor venerate a law which withholds from then the rights which it secures to the more favoured part of the po pulation, by whom it is made and administered. All other experiments have been tried-not merely in vain-but with results on which it is frightful and pitiful to look.-Let us at last try the experiment of admitting all classes of the people to the benefit of the Constitution-and reconciling them to the law, by giving them an interest in the regular, and even strict administration of public justice. We have no room now to argue any part of this question. But there is one view of the consequences of withholding their rights from the people of Ireland, that has been too little noticed. Since the Union, and the consolidation of the Treasuries of England and Ireland, the former country must pay the interest of any new debt contracted by the latter; the whole Irish revenue falling very far short of the actual charge for its local expenditure. The debt of Ireland, in 1795, was 4,441,3037.; on the 5th January 1817, it was 148,524,6677.-This great increase in twenty-two years was occasioned by the large army which was maintained in Ireland, amounting compinonly to 50,000 or 60,000 men, besides the yeomanry. In the year 1795, being the third year of the war, the whole expense of the army was 1,300,000l. Since that period it has, on an average, been upwards of four millions a year. Now if, in 1795, Lord Fitzwilliam had not been recalled, and if he had been permitted to repeal all the Catholic penal laws, there plainly would have been no occasion for maintaining a larger army in Ireland than that which was sufficient for the year 1795. The concession of Emancipation would have removed all grounds of rebellion, and all danger from invasion, in the same way that the refusal to make that concession promoted the rebellion that afterwards happened, and encouraged the enemy to make, or to menace an invasion; and a very small army, supported by the people, would have made Ireland a much safer possession to England than she was during any period of the war, though covered with troops. The difference, therefore, between the sum which was sufficient to pay the army in 1795, and the actual sum which was expended, forms that part of the debt which need not have been borrowed, and amounts, at three millions a year for 22 years, to 66 millions; the interest of which, the people of England now pay from their own pockets, in consequence of the opposition which has been successfully made to Catholic Emancipation! In all former times of peace, the establishment for Ireland has been 8000 men. The number voted last year was 22,000.., Besides the expense of maintaining this extra number of 14,000 men, there is also the expense of police establisliments, prosecu tions, and a variety of other charges, which grow out of the system of governing the people on the principle of exclusion from their civil rights. In the last year's public accounts, there is a charge of 38,9521. for police establishments in proclaimed districts; and another for 12,000l. secret service, in detecting treasonable conspiracies.. How long is Ireland to be governed in this way! and the money of the people of England to be sacrificed in propping up this vicious and disgraceful policy! We cannot now afford to go further into these or any other speculations on this great question-Nor, indeed, is it necessa ry. It has been for some time settled, we think, in argument; and the scruples of those who still appear to doubt of the expediency of adopting in practice what has been demonstrated in reasoning, are not of a nature to be obviated by any sugges tions of ours. The facts we have brought under their view may do something;-and the public conduct and declarations of those whose authority they generally follow, may do more. For our own parts, we feel convinced, not only that the victory is assured, but that it is near at hand:-and in taking our leave-we trust for the last time-of the most important question of domestic policy with which we have ever presumed to meddle, we have only to express our hopes, that no paltry jealousies or invidious exceptions will be allowed, under the name of securities, to interfere with the benefits, or to tarnish the splendour of that great act of wisdom and justice which is now expected from the Legislature of Britain and Ireland, [Although Mr O'Meara has already published a correction of the error which is noticed in the following Letter, we think it our duty to print Dr Fergusson's own statement, in compliance with his request.] SIR, No. 42, N. Hanover Street, FEELING assured of your readiness, at all times, to cor rect any mistatement that may have unintentionally appeared in the Edinburgh Review, I can make no doubt you will be happy, in the opportunity of your next Number, to explain one that concerns my. self. In the Number for November last, I am represented as the channel through which the correspondence from St Helena, relative to the State Prisoner there, has been given to the public.- -This has been done in very handsome terms, I acknowledge; but as it has been done in error, it ought to be set to rights; For though the Correspondence of Mr O'Meara be addressed to William Fergusson, Esquire, it must have been meant for some other person of the same name, as I never have had the honour of being acquainted in any manner with Mr O'Meara, nor held communication with him on any subject whatever. I have the honour to be, To the Editor of the SIR, Your most obedient humble servant, WM. 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