evils of Universal Suffrage in other countries, they have not yet been felt in America; and one thing, at least, is established by her experience, that this institution is not necessarily followed by those tumults, the dread of which excites so much apprehension in this country. In the most democratic states, where the payment of direct taxes is the only qualification of a voter, the elections are carried on with the utmost tranquillity; and the whole business, by taking votes in each parish or section, concluded all over the state in a single day. A great deal is said by Fearon about Caucus, the cant word of the Americans for the committees and party meetings in which the business of the elections is prepared-the influence of which he seems to consider as prejudicial. To us, however, it appears to be nothing more than the natural, fair, and unavoidable influence, which talent, popularity and activity, always must have upon such occasions. What other influence can the leading characters of the democractic party in Congress possibly possess? Bribery is entirely out of the question-equally so is the influence of family and fortune. What then can they do, with their caucus or without it, but recommend? And what charge is it against the American government to say, that those members of whom the people have the highest opinion, meet together to consult whom they shall recommend for President, and that their recommendation is successful in their different States? Could any friend to good order wish other means to be employed, or other results to follow? No statesman can wish to exclude influence, but only bad influence;-not the influence of sense and character, but the influence of money and punch.

A very disgusting feature in the character of the present English government, is its extreme timidity, and the cruelty and violence to which its timidity gives birth. Some hot-headed young person, in defending the principles of Liberty, and attacking those abuses to which all governments are liable, passes the bounds of reason and moderation, or is thought to have passed them, by those whose interest it is to think so. What matters it whether he has or not? You are strong enough to let him alone. With such institutions as ours, he can do no mischief; perhaps he may owe his celebrity to your opposition; or, if he must be opposed, write against him,-set Candidus, Scrutator, Vindex, or any of the conductitious penmen of Government to, write him down; any thing but the savage spectacle of a poor wretch, perhaps a very honest man, contending in vain against the weight of an immense Government, pursued by a zealous attorney, and sentenced, by some candidate perhaps for the favour of

A still more

the Crown, to the long miseries of the dungeon. flagrant instance may be found in our late suspensions of the Habeas Corpus act. Nothing was trusted to the voluntary activity of a brave people, thoroughly attached to their Government-nothing to the good sense and prudence of the gentlemen and yeomen of the country-nothing to a little forbearance, patience and watchfulness. There was no other security but despotism; nothing but the alienation of that right which no king nor minister can love, and which no human beings but the English have had the valour to win, and the prudence to keep. The contrast between our Government and that of the Americans, upon the subject of suspending the Habeas Corpus, is drawn in so very able a manner by Mr Hall, that we must give the passage at large.

It has ever been the policy of the Federalists to "strengthen the hands of Government. No measure can be imagined more effectual for this purpose, than a law which gifts the ruling powers with infallibility; but no sooner was it enacted, than it revealed its hostility to the principles of the American system, by generating oppression under the cloak of defending social order.

If there ever was a period when circumstances seemed to justify what are called energetic measures, it was during the administrations of Mr Jefferson and his successor. A disastrous war began to rage, not only on the frontiers, but in the very penetralia of the republic.

* A great deal is said about the independence and integrity of English Judges. In causes between individuals, they are strictly in dependent and upright: But they have strong temptations to be otherwise, in cases where the Crown prosecutes for libel. Such cases often involve questions of party, and are viewed with great passion and agitation, by the Minister and his friends. Judges have often favours to ask for their friends and families, and dignities to aspire to for themselves. It is human nature, that such powerful motives should create a great bias against the prisoner. Suppose the Chief Justice of any Court to be in an infirm state of health, and a Government libel-cause to be tried by one of the Puisne Judges,-of what immense importance is it to that man to be called a strong friend to Government-how injurious to his natural and fair hopes to be called lukewarm, or addicted to popular notions-and how easily the runners of the Government would attach such a character to him? The useful inference from these observations is, that in all Government cases, the Jury, instead of being influenced by the cant phrases about the integrity of English Judges, should suspect the operation of such motives-watch the Judge with the most acute jealousy and compel him to be honest, by throwing themselves into the opposite scale whenever he is inclined to be otherwise.

To oppose veteran troops, the ablest generals, and the largest fleets in the world; the American government had raw recruits, officers who had never seen an enemy, half a dozen frigates, and a population unaccustomed to sacrifices, and impatient of taxation. To crown these disadvantages, a most important section of the Union, the New England States openly set up the standard of separation and rebellion. A convention sat for the express purpose of thwarting the measures of Government; while the press and pulpit thundered every species of denunciation against whoever should assist their own country in the hour of danger. And this was the work, not of Jacobins and Democrats, but of the staunch friends of religion and social order, who had been so zealously attached to the Government while it was administered by their own party, that they suffered not the popular breath "to visit the President's breech too roughly.

*

The course pursued, both by Mr Jefferson and Mr Maddison, throughout this season of difficulty, merits the gratitude of their country, and the imitation of all governments pretending to be free.

So far were they from demanding any extraordinary powers from Congress, that they did not even enforce, to their full extent, those with which they were by the Constitution invested. The process of reasoning, on which they probably acted, may be thus stated. The majority of the nation is with us, because the war is national. The interests of a minority suffer; and self-interest is clamorous when injured. It carries its opposition to an extreme, inconsistent with its political duty. Shall we leave it an undisturbed career of faction, or seek to put it down with libel and sedition laws? In the first case, it will grow bold from impunity; its proceedings will be more and more outrageous: but every step it takes to thwart us, will be a step in favour of the enemy, and, consequently, so much ground lost in public opinion. But as public opinion is the only instrument by which a minority can convert a majority to its vicws, impunity, by revealing its motives, affords the surest chance of defeating is intent. In the latter case, we quit the ground of reason, to take that of force: we give the factious the advantage of seeming

In Boston, associations were entered into for the purpose of preventing the filling up of Government loans. Individuals, disposed to subscribe, were obliged to do it in secret, and conceal their names, as if the action had been dishonest.-Vide " Olive Branch, p. 307. At the same time, immense runs were made by the Boston banks on those of the Central and Southern States; while the specie thus drain. ed was transmitted to Canada, in payment for smuggled goods, and British Government bills, which were drawn in Quebec, and disposed of in great numbers, on advantageous terms, to moneyed men in the States. Mr Henry's mission is the best proof of the result anticipated by our Government from these proceedings in New England.

persecuted by repressing intemperate discussion, we confess ourselves liable to be injured by it. If we seek to shield our reputation by a libel-law, we acknowledge, either that our conduct will not bear investigation, or that the people are incapable of distinguishing betwixt truth and falsehood: But for a popular government to impeach the sanity of the nation's judgment, is to overthrow the pillars of its own elevation.

The event triumphantly proved the correctness of this reasoning. The Federalists awoke from the delirium of factious intoxication, and found themselves covered with contempt and shame. Their country had been in danger, and they gloried in her distress. She had exposed herself to privations, from which they had extracted profit. In her triumphs they had no part, except that of having mourned over and depreciated them. Since the war, Federalism has been scarcely heard of. -Hall, 508-511.

The Americans, we believe, are the first persons who have discarded the taylor in the administration of justice, and his auxiliary the barber-two persons of endless importance in the codes and pandects of Europe. A Judge administers justice without a calorific wig and particoloured gown, in a coat and pantaloons. He is obeyed, however: and life and property are not badly protected in the United States. We shall be denounced by the Laureate as atheists and jacobins; but we must say, that we have doubts whether one atom of useful influence is added to men in important situations, by any colour, quantity, or configuration of cloth and hair. The true progress of refinement, we conceive, is to discard all the mountebank drapery of barbarous ages. One row of gold and fur falls off after another from the robe of power, and is pick'd up and worn by the parish beadle and the exhibiter of wild beasts. Meantime, the afflicted wiseacre mourns over equality of garment; and wotteth not, of two men whose doublets have cost alike, how one shall command, and the other obey.

The dress of lawyers, however, is, at all events, of less importance than their charges. Law is cheap in America: In England, it is better, in a mere pecuniary point of view, to give up forty pounds, than to contend for it in a court of common law. It costs that sum in England to win a cause; and, in the Court of Equity, it is better to abandon five hundred, or a thousand pounds, than to contend for it. We mean to say nothing disrespectful of the Chancellor who is an upright judge, a very great lawyer, and zealous to do all he can; but we believe the Court of Chancery to be in a state which imperiously requires Legislative correction. We do not accuse it of any malversation, but of a complication, formality, entanglement and delay, which the life, the wealth, and the patience of man cannot endure. How such a subject

comes not to have been taken up in the House of Commons, we are wholly at a loss to conceive. We feel for climbing boys as much as any body can do; but what is a climbing boy in a chimney to a full grown suitor in the Master's office? And whence comes it, in the midst of ten thousand compassions and charities, that no Wilberforce, Bennet, or Sister Fry, has started up for the suitors in Chancery? and why, in the name of these afflicted and attorneyworn people, are there united in their judge three or four offices, any one of which is sufficient to occupy the whole time of a very able and active man?

There are no very prominent men at present, in America; at least none whose fame is strong enough for exportation. Munro is a man of plain unaffected good sense. Jefferson, we believe, is still alive; and has always been more remarkable, perhaps, for the early share he took in the formation of the Republic, than from any very predominant superiority of understanding. Mr Hall made him a visit.

I slept a night at Monticello, and left it in the morning, with such a feeling as the traveller quits the mouldering remains of a Grecian temple, or the pilgrim a fountain in the desert. It would indeed argue great torpor, both of understanding and heart, to have looked without veneration and interest, on the man who drew up the declaration of American independence; who shared in the councils by which her freedom was established; whom the unbought voice of his fellow-citizens called to the exercise of a dignity, from which his own moderation impelled him, when such example was most salutary, to withdraw; and who, while he dedicates the evening of his glorious days to the pursuits of science and literature, shuns none of the humbler duties of private life; but, having filled a seat higher than that of kings, succeeds with graceful dignity to that of the good neighbour, and becomes the friendly adviser, lawyer, physician, and even gardener of his vicinity. This is the "still small voice" of philosophy, deeper and holier than the lightnings and earthquakes which have preceded it. What monarch would venture thus to exhibit himself in the nakedness of his humanity? On what royal brow would the laurel replace the diadem ? Hall, 384, 385.

Mr Fearon dined with another of the Ex-Kings, Mr Adams. The ex-president is a handsome old gentleman of eighty-four;his lady is seventy-six :-she has the reputation of superior talents, and great literary acquirements. I was not perfectly a stranger here; as, a few days previous to this, I had received the honour of an hospitable reception at their mansion. Upon the present occasion the minister (the day being Sunday) was of the dinner party. As the table of a "late King may amuse some of you, take the following particulars-first course, a pudding made of Indian corn, molasses, and butter;-second, veal, bacon, neck of mutton, potatoes, cabbages, carrots, and Indian beans; Madeira wine, of which each drank