"So foon as a State hath a Neighbour ftrong enough and able to fubdue it, it is no more to be "efteemed a free Eftate. The English are already become fo Potent, that no less than united "Forces of Neighbour Kingdoms will ferve to ftop the Current of their Fortune. Neglect not the "certain Love of the French, your often tried and ancient Friends, for the uncertain Friendship, "and (within a little time) forgotten Alliances of the English, your late reconciled Enemies.

you up

"But it may be, after mutual Marriages have one Day joined your Two Kingdoms in One, "they will feek no Preheminency over your State, nor make Thrall your Kingdom, but be "knit with in a perfect Union. Do not fmall Brooks lofe their Names when they "commix their Streams with mighty Rivers; and are not Rivers ingulfed, when they mingle "their Waters with the Seas? Ye enjoy now a kind of mixed Government (my Lords) not liv❝ing under Abfolute Sovereignty: Your King proceedeth with you more by Prayers and Requefts than by Precepts and Commandments, and is rather your Head than Sovereign, as ruling "a Nation not conquered. But when ye fhall be joined in a Body with that Kingdom which " is abfolutely Royal and purely Monarchical, having long fuffered the Laws of a Conquerour, fhall find a Change and a terrible Transformation. The free managing of your own Af felves unto, "fairs fhall be taken from you; Laws, Magiftracies, Honours fhall depend on them; the Wealth "of your Kingdom fhall be transferred to theirs; which to obey and proftrate your

ye

if ye be found ftubborn, ye fhall fuffer as a Nation conquered, be redacted into a Province, "have Deputies and Governours fet over you, Garrifons in your strongest Holds and Caftles, "and by a Calm of Peace and Union receive more fearful Blows than ye could have fuffered " by any Tempest of War, the Miseries of a moft lamentable Servitude. What Courtefy can "ye expect at their Hands, who, contrary to all Divine and Human Laws, detained your King "Eighteen Years Prifoner, and befides an exorbitant Ranfom (as if he had been taken in a "lawful War) did not without Hoftages fend him home? We of France did never forfake "you in your Extremities, and we expect ye will affift us with all your Power. They are in "fuit of your Daughter, but it is long after fhe was affured unto us; in claiming her we claim "but our own. This Time past ye have only had the Cuftody and Education of her; yet, if "they be fo ambitious of your Alliance, God hath bleffed you with more than this. But it is "not that which they fue for, it is to make you difclaim your Friends, hate thofe which love you, and love them which hate you; and they are working upon you as upon a rude un"polifht People. They offer to render you Berwick and Roxburgh: Thefe Gifts of Enemies are to be feared; they know it is in their own Power to re-obtain them when they please. "As for that Point, wherein they would have you indifferent Spectators of the Blows, and "that it shall be profitable for you not to meddle with this War. Ye are too near engaged; "neither is there any thing can be more dammageable unto you: For, if ye be not of the Party felves that your Country fhall remain a Prey and Reward to the Conqueye may affure CC ror, with Content and Applaufe of the Vanquished, who is not bound to fuccour thofe who "refused to affift and help him in his Neceffities. Prove Firm and Conftant to us your firft Con"federates; combine your Forces with ours, and by the Affiitance of that fupreme Providence "who pitieth at laft the Oppreffed, we have fair Certainties and true Hopes, to cut fo much « Work Abroad to the English, that they shall do little or no Harm to you at Home.

CC

L

your

The King and Nobles, though it feemed more profitable for the prefent Time to follow the English (weighing their Offers) yet held it more advantagious and fure for Times to come to follow the French. For if the English fhould make Conqueft of France, the Conqueft of Scotland would scarce be one Month's work to their Power: And for matter of Alliance, God knows how little Princes regard it, when occafion is offered to enlarge their Power and Dominion. Thereupon they declare they will not break the ancient League and Peace they have kept with France. The English Ambaffadors, denyed of their Suit, went from Prayers and Requests to Threatnings and Menacings, and having Friendship refuted, denounced War; If the King gave his Daughter to the French, that they, if they could, would hinder her paffage by Sea, having already a Fleet prepared to this effect. And thus went away the English Ambaffadors.

The King was fo far from being moved by thefe Threatnings, that immediately he made ready his Ships; and knowing more Affairs to be brought to a good End and finifhed by the Opportunity of Occafions, than by Force and Power, with an able Company of Mariners and Soldiers fetteth his Daughter to Sea.

The English Fleet had waited upon her, but (Providence fo appointing) fhe escaped them, and they encountered a Fleet of Spaniards keeping their Courfe towards the Netherlands. Them they befet with Fourfcore Veffels, commanding the Ladies and all of their Company to be delivered unto them: When they would not accept of friendly Anfwers, they fall to handy Blows, till in end by lofs of Men and fome Ships, they understood their Error. The Lady Margaret, thus without danger by the Western Seas, arrived at Rochel, having for her Convoy a whole Colony of Gentlewomen (the Hiftories fay an Hundred and Fourty went with her) all . of noble Parentage, of which Train were her Five Sifters. From Rochel the held her Progrefs to

Tours;

Tours; there with an extraordinary Pomp, and Magnificence the 24. of June, Anno 1436. was The married to the Dauphin Lewis.

The King to defray the Charges raifed by Tranfporting and Marriage of his Daughter (the French feeking with her fmall or no Dowry, (thefe Times preferring Parentage and Beauty be fore Gold or Riches) all that was craved being a Supply of Men of Arms for their Support against the English) laid a Subfidy on his Subjects, the one half of which being levied, and the People grudging and repining at the exacting of the other half, ( it being taken from Men who lived hardly in a barren Soil) he caused render a Part of it again, and difcharged the Remainder.

At this Time, by Sea and Land, the English, in Revenge of the Refufal of the Offers of their Ambassadours, began to ufe all Hoftility against the Scots. Henry Percy of Northumberland invadeth the Country with Four Thousand Men: Whether of his own Bravery, abhorring Ease and Idleness, or that he had a Commission fo to do, is uncertain. With him came Sir Henry Clydefdale, Sir John Ogle, Richard Percy, and many Men of Choice and Worth. The FrontierGarrifons invaded all Places near unto them. To refift thefe Incurfions, William Douglas, Earl of Angus, getteth Charge; a Man refembling his Ancestors in all Virtues either of War or Peace, and the most eminent of his Time: With him went Adam Hepburn of Hailes, Alexander Elphinfton of Elphinston in Lothian, and Alexander Ramfay of Dalhousie, in all being Four Thoufand ftrong. Thefe covetous of Glory, befides the ancient Quarrel of the two Nations, having the particular Emulations of their Ancestors to be Spurs unto them, make speedy Journeys to have a Proof of their Virtue and Courage. The Lifts of their Meeting was Popperden, a Place not far from Bramfton, Rhodam, Rofeden, Eglingham, all cheared with the Stream of a fmall Brook, named Brammifb, which, arifing out of the Cheviot, lofeth its Name in the Till, as the Till after many windings difgorgeth it felf in the Tweed. Adam Hepburn and Alexander ElphinAlexander fton led the Vanguard of the Scots, Sir Richard Percy, Sir John Ogle, of the English; Ramfay and Henry Clydefdale kept the Rears. The two Generals rode about the Armies, remembring them of their ancient Valour, the Wrongs received, the Juftness of the Quarrel, the Glory of the Victory, the Shame of the Overthrow. No fooner were they come within Distance of joining, when the Sound of the Drums and Trumpets was out-noifed by the Shouts of the Affailants, who furiously encountered. The Guns being about this Time found out, were here first practifed between the Scots and the English in an open Field. When the Fight with equal Order had been long maintained on both Sides, now the Scots,then the English yielding Ground, many of the Commanders at length began to fall, most of the English. Then was Percy conftrained to be at once Commander and Soldier, but e're he could be heard, fome Companies had turned their Backs, among the thickeft Throngs of which breaking in, he found fo great Disorder, that neither by Authority, Intreaty, or Force, he was able to stay their flying. Thus diftracted between the two Courfes of Honour and Shame, he is hurried far from the Place of Fight, and Victory declared her felf altogether for the Scots; which was not fo great in the Execution,as in the Death and Captivity of fome brave Men. Of the Scots Two Hundred Gentlemen and common Soldiers were flain, among which was Alexander Elphinfton,maintaining the Battel with his Sword, Voice and Wounds, and two other Knights. Of the English died Sir Henry Clydesdale, Sir John Ogle, Sir Richard Percy, with Fifteen Hundred Gentlemen and common Soldiers, of which Fourty were Knights, four Hundred were taken Prifoners.

The King irritated by the Way-laying of his Daughter, the invading of his Borders, and encouraged not a little by this little Smile of Fortune at Popperden, it being more fure to pre vent than repell Dangers,and with the fame Policy to defend, by which the Enemies offend,refolveth by open War to invade England. He was also stirred unto this by his Intelligence from his Friends in France, who had brought greater Matter's to pass than in fo fhort a Time could have been expected: For concealed Envy and old Malice, bursting out between Richard Duke of Tork, and Edmond Duke of Somerfet, Philip Duke of Burgundy being entred in Friendship with King. Charles, the English began to be daily Lofers, and were put out of Paris and many Towns of France. To this effect King James having raifed an Army cometh to Roxburgh (a Place fatal to his) and there befieged the Caftle of Marchmont, which is Roxburgh. It was valiantly defended by Sir Ralph Gray: But when he was come fo near the End of his Labours, that they within the Caftle were driven to Terms of Agreement and Conditions for giving up the Fort, the Queen in great Hafte cometh to the Camp, reprefenting to her Husband a Confpiracy,the Greatnets of the Peril of which, if it were not speedily prevented, fhould endanger his Eftate, Perfon and Race! Whether the had any inkling of the Confpiracy, or contrived this to divert his Forces from the Affault, and further Harm of the English her Friends and Country-Men, it is uncertain. The King who found his Imagination wounded upon this Point, after many doubtful Refolutions and Conflicts in his Thoughts, raifeth the Siege, disbandeth the Army, and accompanied with fome chofen Bands of his moft affured Friends, returneth back, to provide for his own Safety. A ftrange Refolution,to disband an Army for a Tale of Treafon. Where could there be a greater Safety for a King than in an Army? Yet have Confpiracies been often in Camps, and in his own Time, Richard Earl of Cambridge, Brother to Edward Duke of Tork, Henry Lord Scroop, with E

Sir

Sir Thomas Gray Knight, at the Inftigation of the Dauphin of France, for a great Sum of Mo ney, confpired to Murder Henry V. King of England, in the midft of his Armies, if they had not been furprised. The King feared all, because he had not yet heard the Names of any but moft the Army, by reafon of the Nobility, many of which, who liked not the prefent Form of Government, were irritated against him. Were the Confpiracy a Rebellion, and in gene→ ral by them all, they were ready in Arms to maintain their Factions; and if upon Sufpicion the King fhould attack any (being fecretly joined in a League) He would hardly have meddled with their Perfons, without a Civil War, which, in regard of his Engagement with England,he endeavoured to fpare. Perplexed,penfive, and fad he cometh to Perth, ftayeth in the Convent of the Dominicans, named the Black-Friers (a place not far from the Town-Wall) endeavouring fo fecretly as was poffible to find out the Confpiracy. But his clofe Practifung was not unknown to the Confpirators, as that there was more Peril to refolve than execute a Treafon, a Distance of Time between the Plot and Execution difcovering and overthrowing the Enterprife. Hereupon they determine to hazard on the Mischief, before Trial or Remedy could be thought upon..

The Confpirators were Robert Graham, Uncle and Tutor to Miles Graham, Robert Stewart Nephew to Walter Earl of Arbole, and one of the King's fworn Domesticks: But he who gave Motion to all, was the Earl of Athole himself, the King's Father's Brother, whofe Quarrel was no less than a pretended Title and Claim to the Crown; which he formed and alledged thus. His Brother David and he were procreated by King Robert II. on his first Wife Euphem Rofs,Daugh ter to the Earl of Rofs, and therefore ought and fhould have been preferred to the Succeffion of the Crown, before King John (named Robert) and all the Race of Elizabeth Moor, who was but his fecond Wife, and next them, but Heirs to King Robert II. They were the eldest Sons of King Robert after he was King, John and Robert being born when he was but in a private Stare, and Earl of Strathern: For it would ap pear, that as a Son,born after his Father hath loft his Kingdom, is not esteemed for the Son of a King, fo neither he that is born before the Father be a King. Thefe Reafons he thought fufficient, the King taken away, to fet him in the Room of State: But confidered not how Sacred the Name of King is to the Scots Nation; how a Crown once worn quite taketh away what Defects foever; and that it was not eafy to diveft a King in prefent Poffefsion of a Crown, who had his Right from his Father and Grandfather, with the Authority of a Parliament approving his Defcent, and fecluding all others; lefs came it in his Thought, that thofe Children are legitimate and lawful, which cannot be thruft back and rejected without troubling the common Peace of the Country, and opening a Gate to foreign Invafions, Domestical Disturbances, and all Disorders, with an unfettled Course of Succeffion; the Com mon Error making the Right or Law.

Arbole animated by the Oracle of a Sooth-fayer of his Highland Country, who had affured him he should be crowned in a Solemn Affembly before his Death, never gave over his hopes of obtaining the Crown: And being inferiour and weak in Power and Faction to the other Brothers, to compafs his Designs he betaketh himself to treacherous Devices. It was not in his Power to ruine fo many at once: For Mischief required there fhould be distance between fo many bloody Acts; therefore he layeth his Course for the taking away of his Kindred one after another at Leifure: He foweth Jealoufies,entertaineth Difcords, maintaineth Factions amongst them. By his Counfel David Duke of Rothefay, the King's eldeft Brother, was famished in the Tower of Falkland: Neither had James (then a Child) efcaped his Treachery, if far off in England he had not been preferved. He perfwaded the Earl of Fife,that, making out of the way the King his Brother, he fhould put the Crown on his own Head: He trafficked the Return of King James, and, he being come, he plotted the Overthrow of Duke Mordock, by fit Inftruments for fuch a Bufinefs,proving the Crimes laid against him in the Attainder,& he himfelf fat Judge against him and his Children. Thus ftirring one of the Kinsmen against another, he fo enfeebled the Race of Elizabeth Moor, that of a numerous Off-fpring there only remained Fames and his Son (a Child not yet Six Years of Age) upon whofe Sepulchres building his Defigns, with a fmall Alteration of the State, he thought it an eafy Step to the Crown.

Robert Graham had been long imprisoned,& at last released; but being a Man implacable once offended, and cruel, whom neither Benefits could oblige, nor Dangers make wife, an Enemy to Peace, Factious and Ambitious alike, by many wicked Plots afterwards, and Crimes against the Laws of the Country, driven to an Out-lawry, and to live as banished, he had ever a Maletalent against the King fince the adjudging of the Earldom of Strathern from his Nephew

Miles.

Robert Stewart was very familiar with the King, and his Access to his Chamber and Perfon advanced the Enterprife: Being a riotous young Man, gaping after great Matters, neither respecting Faith nor Fame, and daring to attempt any Thing for the accomplishing of his own foolish Hopes, and his Grand-father's Aims and Ambition. Thefe having affociated unto them the most audacious, whom either Fear of Punishments for their Mifdeeds, or Hopes of Preferment by a Change of the Government would plunge into any Enterprise; in the Month of

February

February, fo fecretly as was poffible, affembled together, where the Earl fpake to this Sense unto them.

"These Engagements which every one of you have to another, and which I have to every "one of you, founded on the strongest Grounds of Confanguinity, Friendship, Interest of "committed and received Wrongs, move me freely here to reveal my fecret Drifts, and dif σε cover the Depths of my hidden Purpofes and Counfels. The ftrange Tragedies which in the τσ State and Government have been acted, fince the coming of this English-man to the Crown, are to none of you unknown: Mordock with his Children have been beheaded; the Earl of "Lennox his Father-in-law had that fame End; the Nobility repine at the Government of "their King; the King is in Jealoufy of his Nobles; the Commons are in the Way of Rebellion. "Thefe all have been the Effects of my fur-mining Policies. And hitherto they have fallen "forth as fortunately, as they were ingenioully plotted. For, what more ingenious and cun"ning Stratagem could be projected, to decline the rank Growth of thefe Ufurpers, than to "take them away by Handles made of their own Timber? And, if there was any Wrong « in fuch Proceedings, in fmall Matters Wrong must be done, that Juftice and Equity may be "performed in great. My Fear was (and yet is) that the taking down of the Scaffold of "Mordock fhould be the putting up of ours. Crowns fuffer no Corrivals; the World knows, and he himself is confcious to it, that the Right and Title to the Crown,by Defcent of Blood " from Robert II. my Father, was in the Perfon of David my Brother, and is justly claimed "now by me and our Nephew. As for an Act of Parliament confirming the Right of that o "ther Race, and for Oaths of Allegiance, no Parliamentary Authority can take away Juftice, ❝ and the Law of God. Neither is an Oath to be obferved, when, it tendeth to the Suppreffion ❝ of Truth and Right: And though for a Time fuch Acts and Oaths have prevailed, our De"figns having good Succefs, we fhall have a Parliament approving our Right, abolishing "their Pretenfions, and declaring them Ufurpers. This one Man and a Child taken away (if "we can give the Blow) the Kingdom muft Obey the lawful Succeffor; against whom what Subject will Revolt, or who dare take Arms? And here is more Fear than Danger. But think "there were, the only Remedy of imminent Dangers is new Dangers. It was Simplicity in "him to think by fmall Benefits that old Injuries are abolish'd and forgot, and that I fhould take patiently the Title of Earl, when I fhould have been King my felf. By his tyranizing Ju"ftice,if he be not hated,he is not beloved, but become terrible to his People, who now through their Poverty and Grievances affect a Novation, and obey him not out of any Affection, but "through Necessity and Fear; and now he alfo feareth,that fome do that to him which he hath "deferved.

"Let us refolve his Doubts, our Ends are Honour and Revenge, our Wills against him all a like and one. The Heavens feem to confpire with us, having brought him to disband his Army, and render himself in the wifhed Place of our Attempts; and let us rather follow them and "Fortune, which favours great Actions, than Virtue that preacheth cowardly Patience; remem "bring how fair Gloffes of Valour for the most part have been caft on the fouleft Deeds, and the "mightiest Families have from them derived their Honours, Shame feldom or never following "Victory, however it be atchieved and purchased. That Soveraignity at the fift was but avio"lent Ufurpation of the ftronger over the weaker. How great Enterprizes muft begin with Danger, but end with Rewards,that Death fhould rather be prevented than expected, and that it is "more honourable to die,than prolong a Life in Mifery, wandring in the Scorn of other Mens "Pride. Be refolute in our Plot, put the Enterprize in Execution. Hafte is the Spirit of Actions "of Danger. The worst that can befall us is, fince we cannot fubfift he being alive, that he be "taken away whilft we run a Hazard of Death, which happeneth to all Men alike, with only the "Difference of Fame or Oblivion with Pofterity, which arifeth of an evil Action, as well as of a "good, if the Action and Attempt be great. But let us not fpend the Time of Execution in "Deliberation.

Not long after, when they had pondered and digefted the Defign, Graham and Stewart with their Accomplices, guided by Refolution, and guarded by the Darknets of the Night, came to the Black-Friars of Perth, and having the Way made open unto them, entred the Gallery before the King's Chamber-Door, where they attended fome of their Confederates, who fhould have ftoln away the Bar, by which means they might enter the Chamber: But before their coming Fortune cafteth the Occafion in their Hands.

For Walter Straton, one of the King's Cup-bearers, came forth of the Chamber, and finding armed Men rushing rudely to force their Entry, terrified with the Boldness of the Fact, with a high Voice gave the Alarm of Treafon to his Master. While they are working his Death, a Maid of Honour of the Name of Douglas got to the Door, and effayed to fhut it; but, for that the Bar was now away which fhould have made it faft, the thruft her Arm in the Place where it fhould have paffed; but, that eafily broken, the Confpirators rush into the Chamber, and flayE2

ing

ing all fuch of the Waiters as made Defence (amongft which was Patrick Dunbar, Brother to George fometime Earl of March) they at laft ftruck down the King; whom, whilft the Queen by interpofing her Body fought to fave (being hardly pulled from him) the received Two Wounds, and he with Twenty Eight, moft towards the Heart, was left dead.

Thus was King James I. who had fo fuperabundantly deferved well of the Commonwealth, murdered the 21ft of February in the End of the Year 1436, the 44 of his Age, when he had reigned 13 Years.

This King was, for the Proportion and Shape of his Body of a middle Stature, Thick and Square, rather fomewhat Mean than Tall, not fuch as is counted for Dainty but for Gracefulnefs and Majefty. His Hair was Abourn, a Colour between White and Red. He was of fo ftrong and vigorous a Conftitution, that he was able to endure all extraordinary Extremities both of Travel and Want; and furpaffed for Agility and Nimbleness in any Exercife,his Companions. He was of fo fharp and pregnant a Wit, that there was nothing wherein the Commendation of Wit confifted, or any Shadow of the Liberal Arts did appear, that he had not applied his Mind unto; feeming rather born to Letters than inftructed. He wrote Verfes both Latin and English, of which many are yet extant. He exercised all Inftruments of Mufick, and equalled the best Profeffors thereof. He had ftudied all Philofophy, but most that which concerns Government; in which what a Mafter he was, the Order, which he established in fuch a Confufion as he found in the State, doth witnefs, and many old Laws commodiously renewed and amended, others for the Publick Good established. He was a great Obferver of religious Forms: Eafy for Access, fair in Speech and Countenance, in Behaviour kind, ufing Sleep and Meat to live, not for Voluptuoufnefs. He had good Command over his Paffions, his Defires never being above his Reafon, nor his Hopes inferiour to his Defires. Though he was much obliged to the Gifts of Nature, yet was he more to his good Education and Training in England. Scarce had he paffed the Ninth Year of his Age, when he was committed to the Sea to fhun the Treafons of his Uncle, and was furprized at Flamborow-head in Holderness. Windfor Caftle kept him a Prifoner,' but by Commandment of King Henry he was fo carefully inftructed, that no Prince could have been better bred in the Schools of Europe. What his Valour was, the Wars of France bear witnefs: For accompanying the King of England there, he laid Siege to the Town of Direx, and with fuch Violence and Valour (faith the English History) affaulted it for the space of Six Weeks,' that with main Strength he compelled it to be rendered into his Hands,and gave it to King Hen ry. That Commendation which was given him by that fame King of England, being recorded by their Writers, proved Prophetically True of him: For the King remembring him of his Benefits received, and promifing him greater, with free Liberty to return to his own Country, if he could cause the Scots, who were adherent to the Dauphin of France, to return to their native Soil and leave him: To this he anfwered, He was a Prifoner, had no Poffeffion of his Realm; that he was neither fworn to his Subjects, nor they by any Oath of Allegiance bound to him, and though be were bound to them, and they to follow his Commandment, he would forefee whether it were to bim bonourable, and to bis Realm honeft, to leave their Old Friend of France in bis extreme Neceffity without Aid or Comfort. With this Anfwer, though the King was not content, when James went out of his Prefence, he is recorded to have faid, Happy fhall they be which shall be Subjects to a King endowed with fuch Wisdom of fo tender Tears of Age. His Severity in Juftice was traduced by fome under Terms of Cruelty; but confidering the Disorders of his Country, by the fierce Nature of the People over whom he ruled, who by often Rebellions did not only exafperate him to fome Severity, but even conftrain him to keep them in awe, his Rigour was rather an Effect of Neceffity than of his natural Difpofition. No Prince did more reverently entertain Peace at Home amongst his Subjects, nor more willingly conclude the fame amongit Strangers. There is no Prince more cruel than he, who by a Facility and evil measured Pity, fuffers Robberies, Rapes, Murders, and all fort of Oppreffion and Abuses to overturn his Country, in which a whole State is interested,when the ftricteft Juftice toucheth but fome particular Perfons.By him Abuses were reformed, Defects repaired, Sedition and Difcord was put from the Nobles, Equity and Industry restored to the Country,every Man had a Certainty of enjoying his own with Security. Into all Men was either infufed a Will to do well, or a Neceffity of fo doing impofed upon them, virtuous Actions being honoured, Crimes punished. The Mean Man did Refpect the Great, not Fear him; the Great Man did Preceed the Mean, not Contemn him; Favour was mastered by Equity, Ambition by Virtue: For the excellent Prince by doing well himself, had taught his Subjects fo to do.

He was one of the worthieft of all the Kings of Scotland till his Time: Of the former Kings it might have been faid, The Nation made them Kings, but this King made that People a Nation. He left behind him One Son and Six Daughters, King James II, Margaret Wife to Lewis XI. King of France, Elizabeth Dutchels of Bretaigne, Fane first of Angus, and then Countess of Huntly, Elenora married to Sigifmond Arch-duke of Auftria, Mary Wife to the Lord of Campwere, and Annabella. He was buried in the Charter-house of Perth which he had founded,

where