aggressive force to which the Catholic Church owed its restoration.

Before the death of Leo X., a reverent, devotional spirit, opposed to the sceptical and epicurean tone of society, manifested itself among a class of educated Italians. Fifty or sixty persons united at Rome in what they called the Oratory of Divine Love, and held meetings for worship and mutual edification. Among them were men who afterwards reached the highest distinction, but were destined to separate from one another in their views of Reform: Caraffa, Contarini, Sadolet, Giberto, all of whom were subsequently made cardinals. The common bond among them was the earnest desire for the removal of abuses, and for the moral reformation of the Church in its head and members. Contarini may be considered the head of those who espoused a doctrine of Justification, not materially distinguished from that of Luther. With him were found, a few years later, at Venice, besides former associates, Flaminio, a thorough believer in the evangelical idea of gratuitous salvation, and Reginald Pole, who adopted the same opinion. This party of Evangelical Catholics were devoted to the Catholic Church, and to the unity of it. Their aim was to purify the existing body; but in their views of the great doctrine, which formed the original ground of controversy, they stood in a position to meet and conciliate the Protestants. Their doctrine of Justification, bringing with it a greater or less inclination to other doctrinal changes in keeping with it, spread among the intelligent classes throughout Italy.

In Ferrara, the reformed opinions were encouraged and protected by Renée or Renata, the wife of Hercules II., who was equally distinguished for her learning and her personal attractions. At her Court the French poet, Clement Marot, found a refuge; and here Calvin resided for some months, under an assumed name. Among the

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professors in the University at Ferrara was Morata, the father of the celebrated Olympia Morata, and, like her, imbued with evangelical opinions. At Modena, which was renowned for the culture of its inhabitants, the new doctrine found a hospitable reception; especially among the members of the academy, who looked with contempt on the priests and monks. Cardinal Morone, the Bishop of Modena, who had been absent in Germany on missions from the Pope, writes, in 1542: "Wherever I go, and from all quarters, I hear that the city has become. Lutheran." In Florence, though it was the seat of the Medici, and furnished in this age two popes, Leo X. and Clement VII., many embraced the Protestant faith. Among them was Brucioli, who published, at Venice, a translation of the Scriptures, and a commentary on the whole Bible. Not less than three translators of the Bible

1

in this period were born at Florence. At Bologna, Mollio, a celebrated teacher in the University, after the year 1533 taught the Protestant views on Justification. and other points, until he was removed from his office by order of the Pope. Subsequently, through a letter to the Protestants of Bologna, from Bucer, and through another letter from them, we learn that they were numerous. Venice, where printing and the book-trade flourished, and where the internal police was less severe than elsewhere, offered the best advantages both for the safe reception and active diffusion of the reformed doctrines. "You give me joy," said Luther, in 1528, "by what you write of the Venetians receiving the word of God." Pietro Carnesecchi, who afterwards died for his faith, Lupetino, provincial of the Franciscans, who also perished as a martyr, and Baldassare Altieri, who acted as agent of the Protestant princes in Germany, were among the most efficient in diffusing the Protestant opinions.2 Padua, Verona, and other places within the Venetian 1 McCrie, p. 54. 2 McCrie, p. 64.

territory, likewise furnished adherents of the new faith. The same was true of the Milanese, where the contiguity to Switzerland, and the political changes in the duchy, opened avenues for the introduction of heresy.

In Naples, Juan Valdez, a Spaniard, Secretary of the Viceroy of Charles V., was an eloquent and influential supporter of the evangelical doctrine, and won to the full or partial adoption of it many persons of distinction; including, it is thought, Vittoria Colonna and other members of the Colonna family. In many other places, a good beginning was made in the same direction. Not a few among the numerous gifted and cultivated women in that age, when zeal for the study of the ancient authors had become a pervading passion, were attracted to the evangelical doctrine. This doctrine gained many converts among the middle classes. In a decree of the Inquisition, three thousand school-masters were said to have espoused it. Caraffa informed Paul III. that "the whole of Italy was infected with the Lutheran heresy, which had been extensively embraced both by statesmen and ecclesiastics." 2 "Whole libraries," says Melancthon, in a letter written probably in 1540, "have been carried from the late fair into Italy." There is no doubt that the evangelical doctrine was favorably regarded by a large body of educated persons, for it was almost exclusively among these that it found sympathy. The most eminent preacher in Italy, Bernardino Ochino, General of the Capuchins, who drew crowds of admiring auditors at Venice, and wherever else he appeared in the pulpit, and Peter Martyr Vermigli, an honored member of the Augustinian order, who was hardly less distinguished, and a much abler theologian, were of this num

1 See the learned article on Valdez by Dr. Ed. Böhmer, in Herzog, RealEncycl. d. Theol. There were two brothers, Alfonso and Juan. Alfonso was also favorable to the Reformation. Dr. Böhmer presents a full description of the writings and opinions of Juan Valdez,

2 Quoted by McCrie, p. 118.

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ber. Chiefly owing to the labors of Martyr, Lucca had, perhaps, more converts to the evangelical faith than any other Italian city. The little treatise on the "Benefits of Christ," which was composed by Paleario, was circulated in thousands of copies.1 We have the testimony of Pope Clement VII. to the wide prevalence, in different parts of Italy, of "the pestiferous heresy of Luther," not only among secular persons, but also among the clergy.2

In Venice and Naples, the Reformed Churches were organized with pastors, and held their secret meetings. Unhappily, the Sacramentarian quarrel broke out in the former place, and was aggravated by an intolerant letter of Luther, in which he declared his preference of transubstantiation to the Zwinglian doctrine: a letter, which Melancthon, in his epistles to friends, noticed with strong terms of condemnation.

Paul III., who succeeded Clement VII., in 1534, showed himself friendly to the Catholic reforming party. He made Contarini cardinal, and elevated to the same rank Caraffa, Pole, Sadolet, and others, most of whom had belonged to the Oratory of Divine Love, and some of whom were friendly to the Protestant doctrine of salvation. He appointed Commissions of Reform, whose business it was to point out and remove abuses in the Roman curia, such as had excited everywhere just complaint. A commission, to which Sadolet and Caraffa belonged, met at Bologna in 1537, and presented to the Pope a consilium, or opinion, in which they described the abuses in the administration of the Church as amounting to "a pestiferous malady." Their advice was approved by Paul III., and printed by his direction. Ridicule, however, was excited in Germany, when it was known

1 For a full account of Paleario, see M. Young, Life of Paleario: Ilist. of Italian Reformers in the 16th Century. 2 vols. (London, 1860.) The work is valuable as illustrative of the narrative of McCrie.

2 McCrie, p. 45.

that one of the measures recommended by the accomplished Sadolet, in connection with his associates, was the exclusion of the Colloquies of Erasmus from seminaries of learning. The hopes of Contarini and his friends were sanguine; and it seemed not impossible that so great concessions might be made that the Protestants would once more unite themselves with the Church. At the Conference at Ratisbon, in 1541, Contarini appeared as Legate of the Pope, and met, on the other side, Bucer and Melancthon, the most moderate and yielding of all the Protestant leaders. The political situation was such, that the Emperor exerted himself to the utmost to bring about an accommodation between the two parties. On the four great articles, of the nature of man, original sin, redemption and justification, they actually came to an agreement. The Primacy of the Pope, and the Eucharist, were the two great points that remained. But the project of union met with opposition from various quarters. Francis I. raised an outcry against it, as a surrender of the Catholic faith, his motive being the fear of augmenting the power of Charles. Luther was dissatisfied with the platform, on account of its want of definiteness, and had no confidence in the practicableness of a union. On the opposite side, the same feeling manifested itself: Caraffa did not approve of the terms of the agreement which Contarini had sanctioned, especially in regard to justification, and Paul III. took the same view. There was jealousy of Charles at Rome: all of his enemies combined against the scheme. Thus the great project fell to the ground.

This event marks the division of the Catholic reforming party. Caraffa, while severe and earnest in his demand for practical reforms which should purify the administration of the Church, from the Pope downwards, was sternly and inflexibly hostile to every modification of the dogmatic system. He stood forth as the repre