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answers: By the most High God, great, immortal, celestial, Son of the Father, the Spirit 'proceeding from the Father, one out of three, and three out of one. These do you think to be Jupiter, him do you esteem to be God.-Crit. You teach me numbers: that is an arithmetical oath-I do not know what you mean. One three, three one.-Trieph. Hold your peace: you are not to measure the steps of fleas. I will teach you what the universe is, who was before all things, and what is the system of the universe: for it is but the other day that I was as ignorant as yourself. But when the Galilean, half bald, long nosed, who 'travelled through the air to the third heaven, and there learned the most extraordinary things, came to me, he renewed us by water, he introduced us into the regions of the blessed, and redeemed us from the regions of the wicked. And if you will hearken to me, I will make you likewise a man indeed.- -Soon after this Triephon tells Critias of the creation, and other things in a ludicrous way. By a word he dispelled the darkness, as the slowtongued writer assures us, and founded the earth upon the waters. He stretched out the heavens, formed the fixed stars, and ordered the course of things, which you worship for gods. The earth he adorned with flowers: man he brought out of things that were not: and he is in heaven, beholding the just and the unjust, and writes in books the actions of all, and will accordingly render to all in the day that he has appointed. After other things, Critias says: Wherefore, Triephon, I entreat you to say nothing more of the fates, though with your master you should be taken up, and admitted to unspeakable mysteries. After

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wards Triephon says: Do not you see, how inaccurate, and ambiguous and uncertain, all the sayings of the poets are? Wherefore lay aside all those Wherefore lay aside all those things, that you may be enrolled in the celestial books of the righteous.-Crit. But tell me, Triephon, are the affairs of the Scythians also registered in heaven ?-Trieph. All. For Chrestus has been among the nations. [Or, as others understand this place: Yes, all, provided there is any good man among the nations.] Crit. There must be a multitude of scribes in heaven, according to your account.-Trieph. I pray, forbear your jests, and say nothing contemptuous of the 'dexterous God; but become a catechumen, and be persuaded by me, if you have a mind to live for ever. Since he has stretched out the heavens like a curtain, and founded the earth upon water, and produced man out of nothing, what is there wonderful in his registering the actions of all men? Afterwards Triephon desires Critias to give him an account of what he ⚫ had heard in the assembly of the Christians, and which had so discomposed him. Critias answers: By the Son out of the Father, it shall never be done. Trieph. Do, tell me, receiving from the Spirit the power of speech. Critias at length tells him what a beggarly, sorrowful company of people he had met with insinuates their disaffection to the government, and that they wished for bad news, and delighted in public calamities. Some of them spoke of their fasting ten whole days without eatingand of spending whole nights in singing hymns. Triephon then bids him to have done with those stories, and begin with the prayer from the Father, adding at the end the hymn with many names. They conclude: But let us find out the unknown God at Athens, and stretching out our hands to heaven, offer to him our praises and thanksgivings, that we are worthy to live under so great an empire, and leave others to trifle as they please.'

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• Πανία, ει τύχοι γε Χρήσος και εν εθνεσι. Ibid.

& Et omnes quidem, si modo bonum aliquem esse inter gentes contingat, Conf. J. M. Gesneri Diss. de auctore et ætate Philop. sect. 21. p. 717.

" Ευδομεί, και μηδεν ειπης φλαύρον Θε8 δεξι8. p. 773.

1 Αλλ' αίε δη το θαυμάσιον εκείνο ακεσματων αεισιν. P. 774.

Νη τον υίον τον εκ παῖρος, ο τείο γενησεται. Τρι. Λείε, παρα το πνευματος δυναμιν τε λόξα λαβων. p. 774.

Ελείον γαρ, ήλιος δεκα ασιλοι διαμενομεν και επί παννυχες ὑμνῳδίας επαγρυπνείες ονειρωτίς μεν τα τοιαυία. p. 778. m Ωσε εασον τείες, την ευχήν από πατρος αρξαμενος, και την πολυώνυμον ῳδην εις τελος επιθεις. p. 779.

η Ημεις δε τον εν Αθήναις αίνωσιν εφευρονίες, και προσκυνη σανίες, χειρας εἰς ἔρανον εκλεινανίες, τείῳ ευχαρισησομεν, ὡς καταξιωθεντες τοιείς κραῖος ὑπήκοοι γενεσθαι. Ρ. 750.

It is now time to make remarks upon this dialogue.

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1. There is a general observation very obvious to be made here: That the writer of this dialogue appears much better acquainted with the affairs of the Christians, and their sacred scriptures, than Lucian.

2. We may hence perceive, that the Christians and their principles were in old times ridiculed. by their ancient adversaries. It is therefore a mistake of those moderns, who have imagined, that the old heathens neglected this method of opposing Christianity. Nor is this the only instance of the kind which we have met with: Lucian's writings before rehearsed in this chapter are another instance; and, unquestionably, some such writings have been lost, the Christians of later times not thinking them fit, or worthy to be preserved.

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3. We see how poorly some men reasoned who opposed Christianity, and still continued to be heathens. They ridiculed the most just and reasonable doctrines; such as the creation of the world, a Divine Providence, or observance of the actions of men, in order to a future retribu'tion.' Whilst they rejected the Christian revelation, they rejected also, and endeavoured to expose and weaken those principles of religion, which reason alone, if attended to, and improved, might have taught them, with a good degree of evidence and certainty. And the like things may be found in old heathen authors, who have spoken of Jupiter's registering things on his. tablets, and consulting his parchments,' that all men, good and bad, may be recompensed in due time.

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4. It is fit that we should observe the notice which is taken in this work of Christian writings, and principles, and practices.

Here are references to the book of Genesis, and the Psalms, and the Acts of the apostles, and St. Paul's epistles, and the Revelation, in which last is frequent mention made of "the book of life," and writing men's names in it, and of books in which the actions of good and bad are recorded. As Rev. iii. 5; xiii. 8; xvii. 8; xx. 12. 15; xxi. 27; xxii. 19. The phrase, "the book of life," is also in Philip. iv. 3. And in Heb. xii. 23, some are spoken of, as written, or enrolled, in heaven.

When Triephon says, that the Galilean, half-bald,-who travelled through the air, to the third heaven, and there learned the most extraordinary things, came to me, he renewed us with water:' there is certainly a reference to 2 Cor. xii. 12. 1-4, and, possibly, to Tit. iii. 5. and Eph. v. 3, or some other like text. But it cannot be thence inferred, that the writer of this book was a disciple of Paul, or was baptized by him, or was contemporary with him. For, as Mr. Moyle observes: This writer speaks of Christians, throughout * his dialogue, as αιθέριοι, αιθεροβαλενίες, δαιμονιοι, αεροβιλενίες, &c. that is, a company of dreaming enthusiasts, who, like St. Paul, pretended to a power of flying to heaven when they pleased.'

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In this dialogue is also a reference to the Lord's Prayer, and, as often used by Christians. Begin with the prayer from the Father,' says he, adding at the end the hymn with many ' names.' That the Lord's Prayer is here referred to, is allowed by learned men: what is intended by the hymn at the end, is doubtful. Some have argued, that thereby is meant the doxology at the end of the Lord's Prayer in Matt. vi. 13. But to me, as well as to some others, it seems more probable, that some other doxology, more verbose and intricate, is here intended.

a Mihi vero causa esse nulla videtur, cur Luciano non tribuatur, licet fateor in aliis ejus scriptis non observari tantam Christianismi peritiam; quo argumento illum Luciano abjudicat Huetius. p. 61. Dem. Evan. Fabric. Bib. Gr. Tom. iii. p. 504.

• Και παροιμια. Ο Ζευς καίειδε χρονιος εις τας διφθερας επί των ποτε αμειβομένων ὑπερ ὧν πραίτησι καλων η κακων· ὅτι εκ απρονοητα φασι τα πανία, αλλά τον Δια εις διφθερας τινας απογράφεσθαι, και πολε επεξιέναι. Suidas. V. Ζευς. Ubi Annotator. Huc spectat illud Euripidis apud Stobæum, &c. As before, p. 287, 288.

Per Ty Un ano walpos. p. 779, Orationem Dominicam Lucianus intelligit, ut recte notatum Rigaltio ad Tertullianum. Sed per πολυωνυμον ώδην superadditam non existimaverim notari clausulam, quia tuum est regnum,' ut persuasum Jo.

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Gregorio. Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. iii. p. 504. Conf. annot. in loc. Philop. T. iii. p. 616. ed. Amst. 1743.

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Nay, we know, that in fact it had another doxology 'sometimes added to it, as we learn from the author of the 'Books concerning the Sacraments, among the works of Am'brose; [Lib. vi. ad fin.] who, having recited the Lord's

Prayer, as it is in St. Matthew's gospel, immediately adds: 'What follows? Hear what the priest says: "Through our 'Lord Jesus Christ, in whom to thee, with whom to thee, is honour, praise, glory, majesty, power, with the Holy Spirit, 'from the beginning, now, and for ever. Amen." Of this

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'sort of doxology I suppose the author of the Philopatris speaks. This kind of doxology is much more agreeable to 'other passages in that dialogue, than the plain one in St. Matthew. Hallett's Notes and Discourses, Vol. i. p. 144, 145,

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There seems to be an allusion to the gift of tongues, or some other gift of the Spirit, with which Christians were favoured in the more early ages of the church, in those words; Do, tell 'me, receiving from the Spirit the power of speech."

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Here are also plain references to the Christian custom of initiating by baptism, and of paring men for it by instruction, or catechizing. The author likewise ridicules the Christian fastings, and singing hymns in the night.

It might carry me too far to remark distinctly upon his ridicule of the doctrine of the Trinity, as represented by him, or as held by the Christians at the time of this author. None of my readers can omit to take notice of this, which comes over so often: and I should think, that this may afford a good argument against the supposition, that this dialogue was written by Lucian, or any other author about his time: for it does not appear, that in the reign of Marcus Antoninus there were any controversies among Christians upon this point. What is here said upon this subject, appears to be more suitable to the fourth century of the Christian epoch.

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I. Aristides, his life, and time, and works. II. Select passages from him. III. Passages concerning the Christians, and illustrating the books of the N. T. IV. His character and importance. V. The sophist Dion Chrysostom: His time, and works, and a passage concerning the Christians.

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I. 'ARISTIDES the sophist, says Suidas, a native of Adriani a small town in Mysia, now belonging to Bithynia, was a disciple of Polemon the rhetorician of Smyrna, son of Eudaimon, a philosopher and priest of Jupiter in his own country. He also heard Herod at Athens, and Aristocles at Pergamus. He flourished in the time of the emperor Antoninus, and reached to the reign of Commodus: he published many orations; the number of them is not exactly

'known.'

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Philostratus confirms that account of Suidas, and farther says, That' from his childhood 'Aristides had an infirm state of health: nevertheless he did not neglect labour. The people of Smyrna erected to him a brass statue, which they set up in their forum: and when they called ' him the founder of their city, it was no flattery, but a just and true commendation. For when their city had been overthrown, and almost destroyed by earthquakes, he so pathetically repre'sented their calamities in a letter to the emperor, that he could not forbear weeping at some 'parts of it, and presently promised to restore it. And, as I have been informed by Damian of Ephesus, Aristides had before that had some conversation with Marcus in Ionia. That emperor 'came to Smyrna, and was there three days before Aristides came to pay his respects to him: 'the emperor did not then know Aristides personally: he asked of some present, whether Aris'tides was in the company? They said, they had not seen him. Afterwards they brought him. The emperor then said to him: How comes it to pass, that it is so long before I could see you? He answered, I was employed about a work: and the mind is not easily diverted from what it is engaged in. The emperor, pleased with his ingenuity, and his diligence, said, And when 'shall I hear you? Appoint a time, says Aristides, and you shall hear me to-morrow, if you please. But I must desire, that my friends may be present, and that they may have leave to applaud, and clap their hands, with all their might. The emperor smiling told him, That would depend upon himself.'

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I forbear to add the critical remarks upon Aristides's Orations, which follow in Philostratus.

• V. Αρισείδης.

De Vit. Sophist. 1. ii. cap. ix. C. 248, p. 1271.

There are in Photius large extracts out of several of them.

Suidas says, that Aristides flourished in the time of the emperor Antoninus, probably meaning the Pious. Nevertheless, as he was also well acquainted with his successor, and is said to have reached to the time of Commodus, I place him at the year 176, in which, as it seems, he saw Marcus Antoninus at Smyrna. Though his constitution was infirm, it is supposed that he did not die before he was 60 or 70 years of age."

II. It is allowed that Aristides was very superstitious, a humble and devout worshipper of all the gods, especially Esculapius, to whom, as he believed, he was much indebted for the useful instructions which that god gave him, in his dreams, concerning his health.

I think it cannot be amiss to transcribe some passages containing a mixture of good sense and superstition, right sentiments, and absurd and foolish respect for all the deities which were then in repute.

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Jupiter made all things: all things whatever are the works of Jupiter, rivers, and the earth, and the sea, and the heaven: and whatever things are between them, or are above, or under them: and gods, and men," and all living things, and all things obvious to our sight, or that ⚫ can be perceived by our understanding. First of all he made himself: nor was he brought up in the odoriferous caverns of Crete: nor did Saturn ever intend to devour him; nor did he swallow a stone in his stead: nor was Jupiter ever in any danger; nor will he ever be in danger :-nor is there any thing more ancient than Jupiter; as children cannot be ⚫ older than their parents; nor things made than they who made them: but he is the first, ⚫ and the most ancient, and the prince of all things, and himself from himself. When he was • made cannot be said; forasmuch as he has been from the beginning, and will always be; his ' own father, and greater than to be made by any and as he brought forth Minerva out of his • head, without need of marriage, so he had before made himself, of himself, not needing any to bring him into being: on the contrary, all things have had their beginning from him.' And what follows.

This is taken from a hymn to Jupiter, and is the first oration in the first volume of this work. He speaks somewhat to the like purpose near the end of the same oration: but I must not allow myself to take it at length.

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In the conclusion of an oration to the honour of Neptune, which is the third in the same volume, he speaks to this purpose: These things are pleasant to see, and hear, and the painting of the sea reduced to a calm, with the boy from under the sail smiling upon Neptune. But there are other things, which ought never to have been in pictures, which are impious and horrible. And I wonder how it came to pass, that they who first saw them, did not presently fly • upon the makers, and tear them to pieces: nevertheless they are still to be seen in the temples. • But it is not my business to censure such things. Let us therefore offer up our prayers to Nep• tune, and Amphitrite, and Leucothea, and Palemon, and the Nereids, and all the marine godsand goddesses, to give health and safety, both by land and by sea, to the great emperor, and to • all his family, and to the whole nation of the Greeks, and to grant all happiness to us all, suited to our condition.'

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III. But the passage which I principally aim at, and for the sake of which Aristides is here brought in among other witnesses, is to this purpose. He is displeased with some sophists, whom he compares, as I apprehend, to Christians. But who can avoid being filled with indignation, • that men of no worth should censure Demosthenes, whom I look upon as a Mercury come down ⚫ from heaven to afford us an example of eloquence? What living man can bear this in people 'who utter more solecisms than words; who contemn others as much as they deserve to be con• temned; who extol virtue, but do not practise it? There is no need to mention their insatiable ' avarice, when they catch at every thing they can get: who call indigence by the name of com

a Cod. 246. p. 1211. C. 247. p. 1235.

b They who desire to know more of Aristides, may consult Fabric. Bib. Gr. I. iv. cap. 30. sect. 4. Tom. iv. p. 373–409. Basnag. Ann. 176. n. v. Dr. Chapman's Charge. p. 91. Tillemont. M. Aurele. art. 31. Hymnus in Jovem. Tom. i. p. 2. al. p. 5.. d In Neptunum Oratio. T. i. p. 28. al. 50. e Orat. Platonic. ii. Tom. ii. p. 307, &c. al. p. 511, &c. * Αλλ' ότι και των κομιδή τινες αδενος αξίων. -T. ii. p. 307. in al.

P. 511.

8 Και σεμνύνασι μεν την αρείην, ασκεσι δε 8 πασι·

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μην την γ' απλησίαν και πλεονεξίαν αυτων οἱ τῷ μεν αποδε ρειν κοινωνειν ονομα τίθενται, τῳ δε φθονειν φιλοσοφειν, τῷ δ' απομειν ὑπεροραν χρημαίων p. 307, 308. al. p. 511, 512.

Here, probably, Aristides refers to the provision made by Christians for the poor and necessitous among them. And in ridiculing that custom he approacheth at least to some scripture-phrases. See Acts iv. 44, 45. and ii. 42. And Rom. xü. 13. " Distributing to the necessities of the saints.". Tais χρείαις των άξιων κοινωνονίες. Communicating to the necessi ties of the saints.

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munion, who call singularity philosophy, and poverty a contempt of riches. They make great pretensions to humanity, and yet never were beneficial to any, and are injurious to them who would do them a kindness: who are scarcely civil to others; and yet for the sake of rich men they travel to the ends of the earth: and when they have got them they promise to teach ⚫ them virtue—who shew more regard to porters at the door than to their masters

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are they, who call impudence freedom, and to oppose others is reckoned a laudable boldness Moreover they are arrived at a sort of wisdom, which consists in a pretence of neglecting money, whilst they do not refuse to receive what is worth money. They have invented a new 'sort of generosity, not to give largely, but to take little-These men are neither servile flatterers, nor free-men: for they deceive as flatterers, and correct men as their superiors'joining together two extreme and contrary evils, meanness and confidence. In manners not unlike the impious people in Palestine; for they acknowledge not the gods. They differ from the Greeks, and all good men. Very dexterous in subverting houses, and disturbing families, setting the members of them one against another, and getting the management of their affairs into their own hands. Who never said or did any good thing: who never contributed any thing to the public festivals, nor have honoured the gods, nor have promoted the welfare of the cities, nor have comforted the afflicted, nor have reconciled such as were at variance, nor have instructed youth, nor any others, nor adorned language: but dwelling in corners, they ' are wonderfully wise- As much as they advance in wisdom on one hand, they lose on the other mightily pleasing themselves in disparaging the art of rhetorick: as if slaves, and especially such as are often and deservedly beaten, did not oftentimes secretly curse their

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'masters.'

By the wicked men in Palestine,' I suppose Aristides to intend Christians who lived in Palestine, and whose religion had its original in that country. He calls them wicked, or profane and atheistical, because they did not worship the established deities, the same that were worshipped by the Greeks and Romans. Masson here understands Jews living in Palestine, and squabbles with Tertullian, and other Christian writers, who say, that after Adrian's victory, Jewish people were forbidden to come into Judea: but Carterus understands Aristides as I have done and in his notes has illustrated this passage with good observations. Indeed we can here trace most of the common reflections which were then made upon the Christians, and are particularly taken notice of in our ancient apologists. They were called atheistical:' they were complained of as unprofitable:' they are represented as mean and obscure,' who nevertheless took great liberties in remarking upon the popular deities, and the worship paid to them. They had then no schools of rhetoric for instructing youth, or others, and sometimes spoke slightly of the ornaments of language. Such things offended our sophist. And yet before the end of the third century, there were among the Christians divers learned men and good writers; and some men of great eminence in our author's own time, or before it.

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2. Beside the letter' sent to the emperor Marcus, and his son Commodus, imploring their

• Και παραλαβοντες αίεσι, και την αρετην παραδωσειν ύπισε Xl. p. 308. al. p. 512.

• Εις τεθ' ήκεσι της σοφίας, ως αργυριον μεν 8 πραιτονται, αρτυριο δ' αξίως λαμβάνειν επιςανται. p. 308. al. p. 513.

It is very likely that Aristides here refers to the revenues of the Christian clergy in ancient times, which depended upon the oblations made by the faithful of bread and wine, and fruits, and other necessaries-ne molestiis et negotiis secularibus alligentur, sed in honore sportulantium fratrum, tamquam decimas ex fructibus accipientes, ab altari et sacrificiis non recedant, sed die ac nocte cœlestibus rebus et spiritalibus serviant. Cyprian. Ep. i. p. 3. Oxon.

d • Καινοτάτην δε μοι δοκεσι μεγαλοψυχίαν ὁριζεσθαι, εκ ει μεγαλα δωσεσιν, αλλ' ει μικρα ληψονται εδη. p. 309. al.

p. 514.

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8 Τοις εν Παλαιςινη δυσσεβεσι παραπλήσιοι τες τροπες και γαρ εκείνοις τετ' εςι συμβολον της δυσσεβειας, ὅτι τὰς κρειτίες ο νομίζεσι, και είναι τρόπον τινα αφέσασι των Ελλήνων, μαλλον δε και πανίων των κρείττονων,πανίων αχρησοίαίου διορύξαι δ' οικίαν, και ταράξαι και συΓκρεσαι της ενθεν προς αλληλες, και φησαι παντ' αυλες διοικήσειν, πανίων δεινοῖαῖοι· οἱ λυγον μεν είκαρπον εδένα πώποτ' εθ' εύρον ετ' εποίησαν, ο πανη Γυρεις εκόσμησαν, 8 νεες ελίμησαν, ο πολεσι συνεξελευσαν, λυπεμενες παρεμυθησανίο, ο ςασιαζονίας διήλλαξαν, ο προς Τρεψαν νεος, εκ άλλες εδένας, ο κόσμον τοις λόγοις πρανσης σαντο καλαδυντες δε εις τις χηραμες, εκεί τα θαύματα σοφία Zorlar -- όσον γαρ αν προκόψωσι της σοφίας, τοσετ' αναφαι ρεσι μέγαλα φρονεντες, εαν ῥητορικην είπωσι κακως, ώσπερ 8 και τες δέλες τοις δεσποίαις ὑπ' οδονία πολλακις καλαρωμένες, και μαλιςα δη τες μας ιδιας αυίων. p. 309, 310. al. p. 514, 515.

h De Aristidis Vitâ Collectanea Historica. Sect. vi. n. 8. i Sed alio quoque injuriarum titulo postulamur, et infructuosi in negotiis dicimur. Tertull. Ap. cap. 42. p. 38.

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