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Effects of the Revolution on the strength of France, 120.-Her navy, 121.-

Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, ib.-Trials for treason, 122.-Discus-

sion on the war, 125.-Supplies for the year 1794, 127.-British conquests in

the West Indies, ib.--St Domingo, ib.-Corsica reduced, 128.-—Battle of the

1st June, ib.-Arrival of the American convoy, 132.-Preparations of the

French, 133.-Efforts to hold together the alliance, 135.--Prussia begins to

withdraw, 136.-Forces of the parties, 137.-Landrecies taken; defeat of the

French at Troisville, 138.-Defeat of Clairfait, ib.-Actions on the Sambre,

139.-Battle of Turcoing, 140.-The abandonment of Flanders resolved on,

142.-Investment of Charleroi, ib.-Battle of Fleurus, 143.-Pichegru ad-

vances to Brussels, 146.-Views of the Cabinet of Vienna, ib.-The British
retire towards Holland, 147.-Decree of the Convention to give no quarter,
ib.-Secession of Prussia, 148.-Operations in Piedmont, 149.-Success in
the Maritime Alps, 150.-War in the Eastern Pyreenes, ib.-Successes of
Dugommier, 151.-Invasion of Spain, 152.-Successes of the Republicans, ib.
-Capture of Bellegarde, 153.-Defeat of the Spaniards, ib.-Figueras and

Rosas taken, 154.-Invasion of Biscay, ib.-The Spaniards sue for peace, ib.—

Hostilities in Flanders, 155.-Battle of Ruremonde, ib.-Maestricht taken,

156.-Retreat of the British, ib.-Firmness of Pitt, 157.-Austria and Prussia

resolve on peace, ib.-Siege of Nimeguen, ib.-Description of Holland, 159.

-Winter campaign of Pichegru, 165.-Dutch sue for peace, ib.-Revolution

at Amsterdam, 166.-Dutch fleet captured by the French, 167.-Operations

on the Rhine, ib.-The Allies driven across the Rhine, 168.-Campaign in

Savoy, ib.-Storming of Thurreau's camps in La Vendée, 169.-Chouan insur-

rection, and character of Puisaye, 170.-Results of the campaign, ib.-Issues

of assignats, 171.-Increase of the French forces, ib.-General reflections, 172.

CHAPTER XIX.-FRENCH REPUBLIC-FROM THE FALL OF ROBESPIERRE

TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DIRECTORY.

Effect of mourning on nations, 217.-Transports which the fall of Robespierre

occasioned, 218.-Fall of the Committee of Public Salvation, 219.-The Ther-

midorians, ib.-Death of Fouquier Tinville, 220.-Denunciation of the Jaco-

bin leaders, 221.-Rise of the Jeunesse Dorée, ib.-Trial of the prisoners

from Nantes, ib.-Execution of Carrier, 223.-Return to humanity, ib.-Pub-

lic manners, ib.-Abrogation of the Revolutionary measures, 224.-Impeach-

ment of the Jacobin leaders, 225.-Distress in France, ib.-Revolt, ib.-Defeat

of the insurgents, 226.-Humanity of the Thermidorians, ib.-Fate of the Jaco-

bin leaders, 227.-Renewed efforts of the Jacobins, 228.-Insurrection of the

20th May, ib.-Condemnation of Romme and the Jacobin remnant, 231.-

Condemnation of Féraud's murderer-disarming of the Faubourg St An-

toine, ib.-Difficulty in contracting the assignats, 232.-Scarcity in Paris, 233.

-Depreciation in the assignats, ib.-Changes in the laws, 234.-Abolition of
the Revolutionary Tribunal, 235.-New constitution, ib.-Reaction in the
south of France, ib.-The Duke of Orleans' younger sons, 236.-Death of the
Dauphin, and liberation of the Duchess d'Angoulême, 237.-Captivity of La-
fayette, ib.-The constitution of the Directory, 238.-Coalition of Royalists
with the national guard, 239.-Appointment of Buonaparte, 241: defeat of
the sections, 242.-Establishment of military despotism, ib.-Humanity of
the Convention, ib.—Election of the Council of Ancients and the Five Hun-
dred, ib.-The history of the Convention, 243.-The history of the Revolu-
tion and the causes of its disasters, ib.

tory order Napoleon to march to Rome, 281.-Insurrection at Pavia, 282.

Storm and sack of that city, ib.-Napoleon enters the Venetian territory,

283.-Debates in the Venetian Senate, ib.-Perfidy of Napoleon, 284.-Mas-

sena enters Verona, ib.-Blockade of Mantua, 285.-Castle of Milan taken;

Genoese fiefs subdued; Napoleon enters Modena and Bologna, 286.-Sub-

mission of the Pope, and measures against Genoa, ib.-Seizure of Leghorn, 287.

-Massacre at Lugo, ib.-Napoleon's measures to bring on a rupture with

Venice, ib.-Efforts for the relief of Mantua, 288.-The theatre of war, ib.-

Positions of the French, and Austrian plan of attack, 289.-Peril of Napoleon,

ib.-Battle of Lonato, 290.-Augereau at Castiglione, 291.-Battle of Medola,

292.-Blockade of Mantua resumed; the Polish legion, 293.-Wurmser again

advances, 294.-Defeat of Davidovich near Calliano, ib.-Action near Primo-

lano, 295.-Wurmser defeated near Bassano, ib.-He throws himself into Man-

tua, 296.-History of Marmont, note, ib.-Alvinzi again advances, 298.-De-

feat of Vaubois, ib.-Napoleon defeated at Caldiero, 299.-His new designs,

300.-Battle of Arcola, 301.-Operations of Davidovich, 303.-Efforts of the

Austrians, ib.-Mission of Clarke to negotiate, 304.-Distress of Mantua, ib.
-Battle of Rivoli, 306.-Surrender of Provera, 308.-History of Victor, note.
ib.--Spirit in the Austrian dominions, 309.-Surrender of Mantua, ib.-
Treaty of Tolentino, 310.-Views of the Directory in this treaty, ib.-Retro-
spect of the campaign, ib.-Composition of the French army, 311.-Great
genius of Napoleon, 312.-Cause of the disasters of the Austrians, ib.-State
of the Italians, 313.-Tenacity of the Austrians, ib.

CHAPTER XXI.-CAMPAIGN OF 1796 IN GERMANY.

Difficulties of the French government, 314.-Alliance of Great Britain, Rus-

sia, and Austria, 315.—Division of opinion in England on the war, ib.-

Violence of parties, ib.-Attempt to assassinate the king, ib.-Arguments on the

war, 316.-Supplies voted, 317.-Bills against public meetings, ib.-The Op-

position withdraw, 318.-Proposals for peace, 319.-Operations of Hoche in

La Vendée: his character, ib.-Successes of Charette and Stofflet: death of

the latter, 321.-Conduct of Charette, ib.-He is taken prisoner, 322.-His

death and character, ib.-Termination of the war, 323.-The Archduke

Charles put at the head of the army in Germany, ib.-Forces on the Rhine,

324.-Plans of the Austrians, ib.—of the Republicans, 325.-History of Kleber,

note, ib.-of Soult, note, ib.-They cross the Lower Rhine, ib.-Are driven
back, 326.-History of Moreau, 327-of Desaix, note, 328-of St Cyr, note, ib.
-Passage of the Rhine by Moreau, 329.-Actions on the Murg, 330.-The

Archduke retires through the Black Forest, 332.-Operations on the Lower

Rhine, ib.-Plan of the campaign by the Directory, ib.-Plan of the Archduke,

333.-Action at Neresheim, 334.-Jourdan advances into Franconia, ib.-

The Archduke defeats Jourdan at Amberg, 335.-History of Ney, note, ib.

-Jourdan again routed, 336.-Retreat of Jourdan, ib.-The Archduke again

defeats him, 337.-History of Marceau, note, ib.-Struggle of Latour with Mo-

reau, 338.-Moreau retreats, 339-and defeats Latour at Biberach, 340.-

Retires through the Black Forest, ib.-Battle of Emmendingen, ib.-Moreau

driven across the Rhine, 341.-The Austrians refuse an armistice, ib.-Siege

of Kehl, ib.-Fall of the tête-de-pont at Huningen, 342.-Reflections on this

campaign, ib.-Contributions levied in Germany, 343.-Spirit of the Austrian

people, ib.-Convention between France and Prussia, ib.-Naval operations

344.-Successes of the English, 345.-State of St Domingo, ib.-Treaty of

St Ildefonso, 346.--Overture for a general peace by Great Britain, 347.-State

of Ireland, 348.-Designs of the Directory, 349.-Preparations of the British

government, 350.-The expedition is dispersed by tempests, ib.-Death and

character of the Empress Catherine, 351.-Retirement of Washington: his

character, 352.

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

CHAPTER XIV.

REIGN OF TERROR: FROM THE FALL OF THE GIRONDISTS TO THE DEATH OF DANTON.-JUNE 2, 1793—MARCH 31, 1794.

for the securing of their authority. Measures dictated by the dread of individuals become unnecessary when they have perished; those levelled against the influence of classes require to be pursued till the class itself is destroyed.

2. It was not a mere thirst for blood which made Marat and Robespierre declare and act upon the principle, that there could be no security for the Republic till two hundred and sixty thousand heads had fallen. Hardly any men are cruel for cruelty's sake; the leaders of the Jacobins were not more so than the reckless and ambitious of any other country would be, if exposed to the influence of similar passions. Ambition is the origin of desperate measures, because it renders men sensible only of the dictates of an insatiable passion: terror is the most common source of cruelty. Men esteem the lives of others lightly when their own are at stake. The revolutionary innovations being

1. "THE rule of a mob," says Aristotle, "is the worst of tyrannies;"* and so experience has proved it, from the caprice of the Athenian democracy to the proscriptions of the French Revolution. The reason is one which always holds, and must remain unaltered while society remains. In contests for power, a monarch has, in general, to dread only the efforts of a rival for the throne; an aristocracy, the ascendancy of a faction in the nobility; the populace, the vengeance of all the superior classes in the state. Hence, the safety of the first is usually secured by the destruction of a single rival and his immediate adherents; the jealousy of the second extinguished by the proscription or exile of a limited number of families; but the terrors of the last require the destruction of whole ranks in society. They constantly feel that, if they do not destroy the superior classes in the state, they will, in the long run, fall again under their influence, and their leaders in consequence be sub-directed against the whole aristocratic jected to punishment. Hence the envenomed and relentless animosity by which they are actuated towards them. Similar feelings are not experienced in nearly the same degree by the holders of property on the resumption of power, because they are not felt to be necessary * “ Τούτων των τυραννίδων τελευταία ή δημο.

xgaria."-ARISTOTLE, De Politica.

VOL. IIL

and influential classes, their vengeance was felt to be implacable, and no security could be expected to the democratic leaders, till their whole opponents were destroyed. Thence the incessant, and often ridiculous, dread of a counter revolutionary movement, which was evinced by the democratic party, and which so often impelled them into the

A

most sanguinary measures, when there | taneous; the result of a universal mowas in reality no danger to be appre- ral conviction; and the Mountain, itself hended.* In the strife of contending feeble and irresolute, showed that it had classes, the sphere of individual ven- no hand in producing it. The insurgeance was fearfully augmented. Not rection was a great moral and popular one, but fifty leaders had terrors to al- effort, worthy of the enlightened peolay, rivals to extinguish, hatred to gra- ple among whom it arose. The people tify. Amidst the contests for influence, of Paris have afforded an example which and the dread of revenge, every man may well make all the monarchs of the sacrificed his individual to his political earth tremble, and silence the calumconnexions: private friendship, public nies they pour forth against us. All character, yielded to the force of per- we have to do now is to complete our sonal apprehension, or the vehemence triumph, and destroy the Royalists. of individual ambition. A forced coali- We must gain possession of the comtion, between the most dissimilar cha-mittees, and spend our nights in framracters, took place from the pressure of ing good laws." similar danger; friends gave up friends to the vengeance of political adversaries; individual security, private revenge, were purchased by the sacrifice of ancient attachment.

3. France experienced the truth of these principles with unmitigated severity during the later stages of the Revolution. But it was not immediately that the leaders of the victorious faction ventured upon the practical application of their principles. The first feeling with the multitude, on the overthrow of the Girondists, was exultation at the victory they had gained, and unbounded anticipations of felicity from the assumption of power by the most popular and vehement of their demagogues. The most extravagant joy prevailed among the Jacobins at their decisive triumph. "The people," said Robespierre," have by their conduct confounded all their opponents. Eighty thousand men have been under arms nearly a week, and not one shop has been pillaged, not one drop of blood shed. They have proved by that whether the accusation was well founded, that they wished to profit by the disorders to commit murder and pillage. Their insurrection was spon

*So true are the words of Metastasio

-"E in qual funesta entrai
Necessità d'esser malvagio! A quanti
Delitti obbliga un solo! E come, oh Dio,
Un estremo mi porta all'altro estremo!
Son crudel, perchè temo, e temo appunto,
Perchè son si crudel. Congiunta in guisa
E al mio timor la crudeltà, che l'una
Nell' altro si transforma, e l'un dell'altra
E cagione ed effetto."

Ciro, Act ii. scene 3.

Under such plausible

colours did the Revolutionists veil a movement which destroyed the only remnants of virtue in the democracy, and delivered over France in fetters to the Reign of Terror.

4. The aspect of the Convention, after this great event, was entirely changed from what it had ever been before. Terror had mastered its resistance; proscription had thinned its ranks. The hall was generally silent. The right, and the majority of the centre, never voted, but seemed, 'by their withdrawal from any active part, to condemn the whole proceedings of the Jacobins, and await intelligence from the provinces as the signal for action. The debates of the legislature, as they appear in the Moniteur, suddenly contract into nothing. All the decrees proposed by the ruling party were adopted in silence without any discussion. By a decree of the Convention, the whole power of government was vested in the hands of the Decemvirs till the conclusion of a general peace. They made no concealment of the despotic nature of the authority with which they were thus invested. "You have nothing now to dread," said St Just, "from the enemies of freedom; all we have to do is to make its friends triumphant, and that must be done at all hazards. In the critical situation of the Republic, it is in vain to re-establish the constitution it would offer impunity to every attack on liberty, by wanting the force to repress such. You are too far removed from conspiracies to

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