case of a dispute arising upon the road where a member of the committee is employed, he is not allowed to act; the committee appoints a substitute. This is done to enable the committee to act impartially. Our laws require the members to exhaust their own efforts to adjust all differences that may arise between them and their employers before sending for their Grand Chief. When they send for him, it is his duty to go and use all honorable means in his power to prevent a rupture between the company and engineers. If he fails to effect a satisfactory adjustment, he then convenes the committee of thirteen and lays the matter before them. If they, by a two-thirds vote, decide the men will be justified in stopping work, the Grand Chief notifies the committee on the road of the decision, and if they then decide to quit the service of the company, they will be sustained by the whole organization, the General Committee determining what amount shall be paid to each member while out of work on account of a strike. would-be dictators and autocrats. I assert, in face of whatever insinuations may have been or may be thrown by corporations or their allies, that the Brotherhood has for its object the improvement of morals and the development of greater proficiency among the engineers of the country, providing for sickness and death, to which we are constantly exposed, and the honorable and laudable desire to secure a just and equitable compensation for the arduous services rendered the corporations in the discharge of our duties. What individual, single handed and alone, ever secured concessions, or even justice, from wealthy and dictatorial corporations? We are banded together for self-protection, and in these days, when capital so remorsely sets its iron heel upon the necks of the laboring classes, we ask, in the name of God and humanity, are we not justified in using every honorable means to provide for the wants of ourselves and our families? It has been asserted there was not sufficient cause for a strike upon the Boston & Maine road; that it was merely a question of ten cents a day. A little over a century ago a paltry tax on a few chests of tea in Boston harbor was deemed of sufficient im We believe our policy to be a wise and just one, and by it strikes have been averted upon thirteen different roads during the past three years, and had the officers of the Central of New Jersey, Grand Trunk, Bos-portance to precipitate a would-be nation ton & Maine, and Philadelphia & Reading into a bloody and devastating war. Ten condescended to recognize the Brotherhood, cents a day is a small matter, but the spirit or evinced the same spirit toward us that of some railroad corporations is so antiwe have invariably manifested toward American and so anti-democratic, that them, the strikes would never have occurred they have proclaimed to the world that upon those roads. For daring to resist tyr-workingmen have no rights which capitalanny and oppression we have been de-ists are bound to respect. It has been asnounced in unmeasured terms. Laws have been enacted in a number of States restricting the rights and privileges of engineers. A charmed circle has been drawn around the railroad corporations of those States, absolving them from compliance with every law which demands recognition and obedience from the workingmen in their humble though not less honorable sphere. If there is a rock now hidden from the sight of the great masses of the American people upon which the glorious Republic is in danger of going to pieces, it is the great and increasing tendency toward class legislation. Liberty is rapidly becoming a byword, and justice is almost a farce from the manner in which it is dispensed by serted that, although the Brotherhood were not active participants in the present conflict, they were the instigators of it, which I most emphatically deny. We have no alliance with any other class of employes. We were not consulted, and knew nothing about the strikes until we read about them in the papers; yet I have no hesitation in saying that, as an organization, we are in sympathy with the railroad men now engaged in the strikes, and believe, with the exception of the Erie road, they were justified in refusing to work under the last reduction, and in persuading and hiring others not to take their places. Beyond that they had no right to go, no matter how much they felt aggrieved; and all those who have resorted to violence have forfeited all claim to public sympathy, and are looked upon and treated as outlaws. But it is well for us to pause and consider what has brought about this state of affairs, and endeavor to find and apply a remedy. fourth vice presidents, general managers and assistant general managers, have taken advantage of their official and controlling positions to direct revenues justly belonging to their employers, the stockholders, into their own pockets. Let them refund to the various railroad corporations these diverted revenues, and there will be no necessity for taking ten and twenty per cent, off the poor employes to pay the interest on railway bonds in foreign countries to keep them out of the sheriff's hands, The misfortune of our day is too much capital in the hands of ignorance, controlled by avarice and pride. Capital in the hands of intelligence, sustained by a generous consideration for the welfare of all men, is to be loved and encouraged; but when used to pamper indolence, to sustain false no- Furthermore, what have these same magtions of pride, building up caste, creating nates done with their millions of diverted extremes in social, religious and domestic railroad revenues? They have manipulated society, it must not only be frowned upon, the stocks of these enormous corporations, but must be met by well-organized combina-whose interests they were originally emtions of intellectual, enlightened labor.ployed to protect, in such a manner as to Thus the combinations of labor may, while make themselves absolute owners of the not seeking to control capital, give it better railroads. Where are the stockholders that direction, and each will become mutually can now oust the presidents and minor offimindful of the other; the employer will re- cials from the management of one of the spect the employe, while he in turn seeks to great trunk lines and their radiations, exadvantage his employer. tending to every important business center of the country? The minor stockholders of these roads have no more control or managing interest in the road than a penniless switchman working for eighty cents per day. The system of railway management and of paying railway employes has undergone a very radical change within the past ten years, and to this change we can attribute the present trouble. The financial embarrassment and bank- Around us has grown up a purse-proud ruptcy of many of the trunk lines, to say railroad aristocracy, who, having the technothing of the minor roads, has been occa-nical form of the law on their side, snap sioned by the criminal mismanagement of their fingers in the face of the general comthose who were originally put into office by munity and successfully defy all oppothe stockholders, but who have finally, by sition, come from what source it may. means of the opportunity thus obtained, Well may these original employes, but become themselves the practical owners of finally owners, of railroads stand by and the property. Originally employed at stated see a few millions of property destroyed or salaries, to give their exclusive attention to the interests of the entire community sacrithe details and general management of the ficed when they still have a reserve of milstockholders' property, in simple right and lions. But how, it may be asked, have justice they had no better right to engage these railway managers diverted the revein outside transactions, even if such outside nues of railroads, to say nothing of engaginterests did not conflict with their employ-ing in even an outside legitimate business? ers' interests, than the humblest employe They have diverted them through the chanupon the road; and had such railroad man-nels of "fast freight lines," and their desigagers given their time and attention exclu-natories are legion-express and sleeping sively to the work they were to perform, car companies, railroad hotels and eating not one of them to-day, from the legitimate income of his salary, could honestly lay claim to more than a modest $100,000. But what are the facts ? These managers, known as presidents, first, second, third and houses, passenger insurance companies, telegraph companies, etc.-and until these managing rings are broken up, and practical, competent, honest men are substituted therefor, we shall continue to have trouble, quently, no comparison between the condition of the farmer and the laborer. One is in a position to seek redress at the ballot-box, and the other only tightens his own fetters when he casts a vote. The outlook in this direction is not promising. A world of selfishness and hate has been re THE COST OF THE STRIKE. The loss to business for five days on the five Trunk Lines, occasioned by the strike, is figured up by the New York Journal of Commerce at $26,250,000. This estimate invealed, and this is where the remedy should be ap- cludes the destruction of property of the plied by the press, the pulpit, the philanthropist, and all who love their country and their fellow Pennsylvania and Baltimore & Ohio Railroads. The cost to each of the five railmen. There is need of more Christianity-not churches. Do not put off the laborer with trite roads per day for the suspension of traffic sayings and mock him with a remedy he is power- averaged say $40,000; to which add $50,000 less to apply. Do not crush him between the up- for losses by interruption of other roads, per and the nether millstone of starvation wages and the total is $250,000 per day, or $1,250,and bayonets. Put yourself in his place" and 000 for the five days. $10,000,000 is the estithink what you would do under the same circum-mated loss sustained by the Pennsylvania stances. Men are wanted who can state clearly the duty of the workingman and of the capitalist. There is need of reformi on both sides. Improvidence should be condemned and the laborer taught self-restraint. All men have equal chances in this country, and the opportunities for gaining wealth and honors are such as no other land ever posces; with its homestead laws, with its liberal mining grants, and the advantages of free educa sessed. With unfathomed and unlimited resour tion, no American citizen, however poor he may be, should sit down and grumble at his lot. As a rule, those who are foremost in acts of resistance against the power of wealth are those who care only for the hour or the day, and could not be persuaded to sacrifice present pleasures-however small-for future ones, however great. These truths may be unwelcome ones to a large class of people, but they should be uttered freely and strongly. For, after all, the greatest outlet to the laboring man is in the steady accumulation of property by thrift and economy. On the other hand, the cold, pitiless oppression exhibited by corporations, the grinding down of the laborer to a bare subsistence, should meet the hearty condemnation of the press and public. A fair compensation for a fair day's work is as necessary to a healthy condition of society as the protection of life and property. If legislation is necessary to bring about just treatment of the working class it should be resorted to-and yet we have grave doubts of the efficiency of such expe dients. In conclusion let us warn the country that the terrible scenes that have just been witnessed are liable to recur at frequent intervals, with increased violence. The strikers have gained a victory and will not be slow to resort to similar methods of relief when they again feel the oppressors' heel. The upheaval of 1877 has only opened the way for a greater eruption in 1878. OUR CONVENTION. Railroad at Pittsburgh and other points on the line: $5,000,000 is the estimated loss to the Baltimore & Ohio Road: and to this sum of $15,000,000, $10,000,000 more may be added for losses to other railroad property-making the grand total of figures given above. The estimate given above, of the cost of the great strike through which the country has but recently passed, can but fall far short of the actual loss, from the fact that, on some of the Trunk Lines at least, the stoppage was for a period of nearer ten days than five; but, be that as it may, it was and is a serious matter, in that lives have been lost that cannot be restored, and families are left to mourn and sorrow for those whose presence on earth they may never again realize. The JOURNAL has no desire to parade its "I told you so's,” and claim especial credit for its foresight; still, now that the noise and smoke of battle have passed away, it may not be amiss to inquire whether the ounce of preventive is not better than the pound of cure in these as well as in other cases. It is the one distinguishing peculiarity of our government that it exists only by the consent of the governed, and that the governed are free to think and act for them We desire to call the attention of the del-selves. This being the case, it follows that, egates elect to Section 10, Article III, of while they may submit to a wrong uncomSpecial Rules for the government of the G.plainingly for a time, yet sooner or later I. D., and other purposes, found on page 11 they will resist; and while, by force of cirof our Constitution; and trust each one will comply with its provisions, as it will facili- cumstances, they may be scourged into an tate the business of the Convention very apparent submission, if the cause of the much to do so. It is also necessary that the discontent be not removed, it will break Brothers make an effort to have the dele-out again worse than before, until at length gates passed over their respective roads, and notify the Grand Office as soon as possible, that we may publish a list of the roads that grant passes in the October JOURNAL. Some officers prefer passing delegates on credentials. To all such we will furnish any number of copies they desire. it assumes proportions beyond the power of control. We do not wish to be understood as approving or justifying the action of those concerned in the late troubles, who resorted to violence; neither do we claim that, in every instance, there is no blame to be attached but to one of the parties at issue; still we do assert that a body of men do not and will not resort to such extreme measures upon imaginary wrongs. There is a cause back of it that must be removed before there can be a peace that will be permanent and lasting. We may talk as we will about the indications of returning prosperity, but there can be no return to prosperous times so long as the great mass of our people--the working men-receive only enough to barely supply the commonest necessaries of life. Trade of all kinds depends, not upon what the favored few purchase, but upon those who are dependent upon the labor of their hands for support. Hence it follows, and needs no árgument to prove, that if labor is scantily paid depression must come, and all must share in its evil results. But it is claimed that the corporations are the principal sufferers, and that they have as much right to complain because their dividends are smaller as labor because its wages are less. This may be true in some instances, but in the main it is not. We have heretofore spoken of the many instances in which stocks have been watered, the most notable of which is the New York Central; and to support the assertions made, we quote from the Cincinnati Gazette: "Starting with an inflation of fifty millions by the New York Central and Hudson by Vanderbilt, the tidal wave of Vanderbilt railroad inflation flowed westward on the roads to Chicago and onward. The distance from New York to Chicago is 982 miles. The various companies forming the line from Buffalo to Toledo had previously gone through various stages of inflation, besides in all cases paying large dividends in cash. Two companies from Buffalo to Erie were consolidated by Vanderbilt in 1867, increasing their capital from $2,800,000 to $5,000,000. In the subsequent consolidation to Chicago, one million was added to this. The road from Erie to Cleveland had in the previous six years divided 120 per cent. in stock, 33 per cent. in bonds, and 79 per cent. in cash. Costing less than five millions, it was now consolidated at twelve millions. Vanderbilt got control of the road from Cleveland to Toledo in 1866, and then made a scrip dividend of 25 per cent. on five millions. The roads from Erie to Cleveland, and from Cleveland to Toledo, were consolidated in 1867, on a basis of twenty two millions capital. In 1869 the work of consolidation from Buffalo to Chicago was completed, on a basis of fiftyseven millions, which, in 1871, was increased to sixty-two millions, with the further privilege of increase to seventy-three millions. The Vanderbilt line from Buffalo to Chicago unquestionably represented at least twenty millions of fictitious capital, on which he is collecting dividends by taxing the people and oppressing workmen." Now, while the dividend of 8 per cent. declared is, in reality, a considerable portion of it upon stock for which no money has been paid, we claim that there is no excuse for a reduction to still more increase dividends upon imaginary stock. If money were scarce and could command high rates, there would be the semblance of justice in demanding and insisting upon large returns; but the fact is, that over thirty millions of government bonds found eager takers at four per cent,, while Mr. Vanderbilt at the same time insists that laborers ought, as a matter of right, to quietly submit to be reduced to less than one dollar per day, to enable him to gather in a rate double or treble that which holders of government bonds are perfectly content with. So much for the causes of complaint. The ounce of preventive is to be found, not in the surrounding of companies' grounds with each train, as in the case of the Baltiwith soldiers, or sending an armed guard ble treatment, in recognizing each employe more & Ohio, but in fair, just and honoraas entitled to respect, so long as by his conduct he proves himself worthy, by manifesting a willingness to investigate when complaints are made of unfair treatment on the part of subordinate officers; and last, but not least, by showing an interest in their welfare, and a willingness to commend faithful service as well as to condemn neglect or carelessness. When this is done, conflicts between officials and employes will be rare and easily disposed of; but should they arise, how much more sensible, how much more satisfactory, how much greater the saving in life and property, to lay aside false pride and mock dignity, and refer them to an unbiased Board of Arbitration, and have them settled in accordance with the requirements of right and justice. This is the position we have always held; have officials; and the general inference is that the A WORD FOR THE STRIKERS. To the Editor of the Enquirer: trade as a mechanic, which costs him years of toil The morning and evening papers of the past two days have devoted from two to four columns to telegrams from different stations on the Baltimore & Ohio and Central Ohio Railroads, from Pittsburgh, the western terminus of the Pennsylvania Road, and from one or more stations on the Erie Road, giving brief and partial accounts of the "strike which has commenced upon these respective roads. Workingmen, engineers, firemen, mechanics and laborers are demanding the payment of back dues, and protesting against a sharp reduction of their wages, now generally threatened. They refuse longer to work without security upon these points; they abandon their trains, and refuse to permit them to be handled by other operators. The President of the Baltimore & Ohio Company, ignoring both the authority and ability of the States of Maryland and West Virginia to enforce their own laws, invites the interference of the Federal Government, and, with characteristic modesty, suggests to the President of the United States what he should do under the circumstances; and the President makes haste to dispatch a few troops to do what the States of Maryland and West Virginia are unable to accomplish, to-wit: to control a "strike," not to put down an "insurrection." The Governor of Pennsylvania is also appealed to for military aid to thwart a similar movement on the Pennsylvania Railroad; and the Governor of New York is expected to do likewise for the Erie Company. Again, I venture the assertion, from careful inquiry and observation, that the active life of a locomotive engineer working in that capacity can not be safely estimated at over twelve years, Within this short span, taken out of the prime of his life and strength, he so exhausts his nervous power that he can not be regarded as perfectly self-possessed and reliable. I speak of the rule not the exceptions. Show me an engineer who has run an engine for fifteen years, and I will show you a man careworn and prematurely old. If any one doubts, let him stand at the throttle of an engine, and remain there from six to ten hours each day, with one hand directing the movement of a train, and with his eyes straining intently forward for the possible signal of danger. Such is the life of an engineer. Of course the great mass of our people hear but one side of the questions at issue between the corporations and their employes. They read column after column of dispatches from Presidents, Superintendents, and other general and minor officers and agents, from Governors of States, Adjutant-Generals, and other political Similar to it, but by no means equal to it in They are The duties of brakemen are too well understood |