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his Sovereign a delay in the payment of his debt without the consent of his creditor; that a person selling with a limited power of redemption, should be allowed to avail himself of that power after the expiration of the term stipulated; that a proprietor become bankrupt, should find in the Government open and legal protection, whilst his creditors are denied justice, and obliged to enter into arrangements which leave the debtor at his ease, and themselves in the greatest difficulty ?

Most of these favors fell amongst the nobility; but all who had friends or patrons at court might look to them. A more odious patronage never existed. The Piedmontese nobility suffered for it in the estimation of the people; and, although the majority of them would have blushed to solicit such favors, they were nevertheless doomed to reap the bitter fruits of the public indignation. Victor Emmanuel, whose heart was upright, seemed to perceive this dissatisfaction of his subjects, in spite of all attempts to conceal it from him. He was desirous of checking this injustice, and caused an ordinance to be drawn up, restraining his own authority from so unjust an interference in the transactions of his subjects. The nation looked up to the King with gratitude; but, shall I be credited?—I should not dare to state the fact, but that thousands can attest its veracity-in spite of this act of Royal authority, new private patents, contravening the public ordinance, again struck terror into a number of families. This weakness of the King would be unaccountable, were I not to add that several of the older Magistrates thought it wrong in the Sovereign to set bounds to his authority, and dared to call this act of justice a dangerous innovation.

In this light did the Magistrates consider royalty. The Minister of Police also regarded it in a manner that proved prejudicial to the State. He beheld the whole strength of royalty in the carbineers, from whom he had formed his militia at an enormous expense; and this militia imbibed from him such a spirit of independence, that no harmony subsisted between them and the king's officers of justice, so that the corps never rendered the services expected from them.

The King, who was an excellent man, was neither a statesman nor a man of business; he could not be so. The second son of Victor Amadeus III., he was not educated for the throne, but

'The Government even deprived a man of the management of his estate without any inquiry. I shall cite an instance well-known in Piedmont. The Chevalier Curtius de Prié, rightful owner of an unentailed estate, found himself on a sudden interdicted by a Royal patent. Whatever he could say or prove as to having no debts, and in spite of his demand of inquiry, all complaints were fruitless-and he remained deprived of his civil rights at the will of the King.

his youth was spent in camps, where he shared the dangers of the soldier. He was possessed of good sense, an ardent love of justice; but withal had a strong attachment to ancient opinions, yet without obstinacy. To render his people happy was his fixed desire. He had a friend, an honest blunt man, in the Count de Roburent; but the Count was no more of a statesman than himself, and his great intimacy only served to prevent any of the Ministers from having any influence on the King. Thus it was that no branch of the Government seemed to be administered in a manner suitable to the wants of the community.'

I have already spoken of the Police. As to the Finances, the Marquis de Brignoles had re-established them, although with too much of parade, having employed so many agents that he soon found them an embarrassment. But from the time of his entering on the administration, he had in vain pointed out to the King the necessity of placing the expenditure on a more economical footing: conferences had been multiplied, commis

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'It would be a painful task to recount all the acts of Government, adverse to the good of the State; but I cannot omit the Royal edict which restricted the leases of land within very narrow limits. The proprietor found himself thereby prevented from disposing of his estate, according to his convenience, whilst capital was diverted from agriculture; insomuch that Piedmont will long feel the effects of this strange act of public administration. What shall I say of the winter of 1817, when the corn of Piedmont was stopped on the frontier of Savoy, whilst the Savoyards were suffering famine? for all the remonstrances against the cruel obstinacy of the Minister of the interior, were without effect. But, not to dwell on this distressing theme, I will hasten to state, that the real situation of poor, and neglected Savoy, was concealed from the King. I will not reproach his heart; on the contrary, I take pleasure in acknowledging, that Victor Emmanuel had occasionally thoughts of great wisdom; for instance, that of indemnifying the Savoyard and Nicean officers who followed their colors in 1792, on the invasion of those provinces by the French army, and lost their property, as being inscribed on the list of the emigrants. I will however appeal to these noble victims of fidelity to their sense of duty, whether the operation of the law which directed those indemnifications has been found to correspond with the wisdom of its principle. The same thing occurred in regard to the liquidation of the public debt: the Government promised to pay every thing, even to debts in a manner forgotten by the creditor. Claims poured in from all quarters, so that there was knowing how to act; at length it was determined to do away with a great number, on quite contradictory grounds; and a law, founded on the most equitable of all principles, came in the end to be applied with the most shameful disregard to justice.

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2 There was indeed one way of avoiding a rigid reform, viz. by increasing the taxes: but such an expedient was repugnant to the feelings of the King, and was moreover impracticable. The land-tax was, in fact, so op. pressive, that it became necessary to diminish it; and the indirect taxes, which were in many instances injudicious, admitted of improvement, indeed, but not of augmentation.

sions appointed, and project on project formed, without advancing a step. The King, by a sort of instinct, hereditary in his family, knew best the situation of his country: he wished for a strong army, in which he was perfectly right: but he might have had it without oppressing his people. Undoubtedly some serious reformation should have been adopted in regard to the Etats-Majors, as well as several of the more expensive corps: but these could not be touched without rousing a powerful band of courtiers, and affecting the most favored families; and Victor Emmanuel was not sufficiently enlightened to see through the veil, under which certain interested servants of the throne took care to conceal their personal views, nor firm enough to repel the solicitations of those whom he believed to be attached to him.

The King had done either too little or too much for his army. The Marquis de St. Marsan, Minister at War, had organised the infantry on a good system. This system was attacked, defended, deranged, modified, and yet continued to exist, but unsupported by institutions calculated to obviate its inconveniences, such as were eminently in the spirit of the Government of the House of Savoy, but diametrically opposed to our maxims of policy: for in this respect our policy resembles that of the rest of the world, who are apt to exclaim furiously against every popular idea. The system of conscription had been fully acted on by Bonaparte. It was severe, but just, and presented extensive resources. Much had been expended on the artillery, but without discretion. The supply of the most indispensable kind of stores was defective; whilst the accoutrements were ill adapted to the wants of the individual and the situation of the country.

The hopes of the better informed among the army were besides nearly destroyed when the Marquis de St. Marsan was called to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, whence the Count de Vallesa had retired amidst the applauses of the public, whose esteem for him was heightened by the noble intrepidity with which he retired from office. The new War Minister, a man of good and upright intentions, either neglected or changed most of the useful arrangements of his predecessor, and followed directly opposite principles. The improvements and retrenchments which the Marquis de St. Marsan had begun or projected, not having been carried into effect, the consequence was, that Piedmont, though overloaded with military expenses, was without an army; for no real army exists but in that country where the troops can be instantly put on a war footing.

An event occurred, which appeared to revive the hopes of the nation-the appointment of Count de Balbe to be Home Minister." In August or September, 1819.

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A worthy man, well versed in political economy, acquainted with the spirit of the age, but not duly estimating the force of public opinion; a man who, in fact, from his turn of mind, appeared to belong to the period which produced a Turgot, a Malesherbes, and a Grand Duke Leopold. His name might have been placed beside theirs, had he been born in a country more suited to his genius, or had he not been wanting in energy of character. Piedmont stood in need of a civil and criminal code of laws, of a system of public education, provincial administrations, charitable establishments, &c.; and the Count de Balbe could not accomplish any essential or solid amelioration, unless he had effected considerable changes in other departments of Government, for he could not obtain the necessary funds without re-modelling the whole administration of the State, and fixing it on a more simple basis. Stopped in the outset, he perceived not the necessity of either removing the obstacles to his measures, or retiring: he imagined that the reformation of some matters of routine might satisfy public opinion and lead to more important benefits; he thought to elude the greatest difficulties by managing with address the interests or prejudices which stood in his way. Strange infatuation, in a man of his sense! but which shows that faults must necessarily be committed, in the present state of society, even by those entrusted with the administration, unless they acquaint themselves with public opinion. And how were we to arrive at a knowledge of public opinion in Piedmont, where no institutions existed that could convey the sentiments of the people? They spoke with much freedom, it is true; but the public, ill informed in political affairs, in its censure confounded good with evil, launched forth the bitterest reproaches on the acts of Government, with so little discrimination, that such an opposition could carry no weight with the Ministers, or indeed acquire the smallest degree of consistency.

The Government considered that they had taken an important step for the public good by instituting a permanent council of conference, at which the King presided, and which consisted of his Ministers in actual employment. The Count de Roburent, master of the horse, and a friend of the King, generally attended. The Chevalier César de Saluces, one of the most distinguished men in the country, was secretary to the council. How they could expect by such means to impart unity to the movements of Government, I know not. To effect this, we should have had a Prince endowed with a knowlege of business, and of an energetic character, like Louis XIV., for instance, or Victor Amadeus II. Victor Emmanuel, in the council of his ministers, only found reasons for hesitating and fearing to do wrong. There was no Minister of

influence; though each might to a certain degree be competent to the duties of his own department. Generally speaking, every measure of importance depended on the concurrent voices of three; that of the King, that of Count de Roburent, and that of the Minister with whom it originated: and it is easy to perceive that such concurrence must often be the result of fortuitous circumstances. It sometimes happened that the King, struck with the truth of a principle in Government which zeal or chance had brought to his knowlege, would firmly resist the Minister's proposition, if it militated against such principle: then, should the Minister have taken care to have the favorite on his side, a war would be waged for some days against what would be termed the obstinacy of the King; but it seldom happened that this good Prince was not finally obliged to yield-believing it to be for the good of the state, and that he was making a noble sacrifice of his own opinion to the knowlege of others.

There were yet other two main springs which actuated the machine of Government. Much has been said as to the influence of the Queen, which has indeed been exaggerated: but it is too true that this princess, (whose gracefulness of person, amiable disposition, and mental accomplishments, made her the delight of our court previous to the revolution) on her return to Piedmont, where she was enthusiastically received, suddenly took a prejudice against the nation. She fancied it had undergone a change. She had also adopted prejudices against our social improvements, which were ascribed to her long residence in Sardinia; and these prejudices placed her in an awkward predicament. Though the Queen's influence was exerted rather in the selection of persons than with regard to the acts of Government, yet it is not to be dissembled that she prevented much good, and was a main cause why Victor Emmanuel did not earnestly embrace a system of reform. It has been asserted that the Queen squandered the public revenue: this I do not believe; although I have reason to think she participated but little in the desire of the King to regulate his finances with strict economy, but on the contrary often successfully opposed it.

It remains to me to speak of the King's confessor; an Abbé, named Botta, a man of little consideration, and possessing rather the taste than the talent for intrigue. I know not what degree of influence he might have in regulating the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom; but I cannot help remarking, that in no branch of the administration were more inexcusable or fatal errors committed. This topic would lead me too far; I shall therefore merely observe, that though the state possessed ecclesiastical property which would have afforded a suitable endowment to the various VOL. XIX. NO. XXXVII. B

Pam.

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