Seely,' and myself. We concocted a Resolution, which Stansfeld was to move, and I rather think we shrewdly suspected that we might get some Tory support and really make some impression in favour of retrenchment. But when the day came, Palmerston, by some adroit manœuvres and making the thing a question of Confidence, managed to make the whole affair ridiculous, and it ended pretty much in smoke.

'Of Parliamentary incidents we had, as usual, a few. Rather strangely, we lost the Anti-Church Rate Bill by one-having had a "tie " on it the year before. One night, Maguire' having attacked Sir Robert Peel, the latter said that he did not heed such an attack "from such a man." This occasioned angry discussion, which resulted in a solemn decision that you might say "such a quarter," but not "such a man." One is rather reminded of the man in the police court, who, being alluded to as "an individual,” said angrily, "I'd have you know, Sir, that I am no more an individual' than you are."

'Sir George Cornewall Lewis used to bore me immensely with his speeches, which were balancing, hesitating, and inconclusive to my mind. Yet he was considered-and no doubt was a very learned as well as a most excellent man. I see I compared his style of speech to that of "an astronomer in a dream"; an absurd phrase, as I do not know any astronomers and they probably would not speak if dreaming; but I reproduce it as showing the effect of Lewis's oratory-on me at any rate.

'In looking back on this Session, I am surprised to see how often the Government were beaten on semi-important questions. But they went on all the same. The Tories did not want to turn them out. Of course Palmerston was 'M.P. for Lincoln. 2 M.P. for Dungarvan.

The Right Hon. Sir George Cornewall Lewis (1806-1863), M.P. for Radnor Boroughs; Chancellor of the Exchequer 1855-1858; Home Secretary 1859-1861; Secretary for War 1861 to death.

really the best possible man for them, and the shrewdest of them knew this well enough. But the whole Parliamentary proceedings until his death were more or less of a demoralizing sham, at which Gladstone and a few Radicals chafed, but which seemed pleasant enough for the bulk of the House on both sides, who, belonging to the cultivated and well-to-do classes, are never, as a rule, very keen for any great political changes. Palmerston, in those days, seemed to me to be a very fine representative of the weaknesses and the more or less harmless or harmful follies of the nation, just as Chamberlain is now a brilliant representative of their truculent propensities.

'About this time I took an interest in a Farmers' Club, which was established at Wigton, a small market-town in Cumberland. Its history was slightly interesting, and, as it was probably much the same as that of others, it may interest some readers who have had a hand in this sort of thing. We used to meet at intervals of a few weeks to read papers on agricultural matters. Eight or ten farmers used to attend, but very few of them would discuss the papers in the room, though probably on their way home, they would roundly express their opinion that the writers were fools-which they probably were. We struggled on for a year or so, if I remember right, and then, as nobody came any more to the discussions, we wound the thing up.

Something similar was the experience of a brother of mine, who was full of admirable energy devoted to the improvement and elevation of the workers on his farm. He decided to read Shakespeare to them in the evenings, but he told me that the first evening he commenced, on looking up, after five minutes reading, they were all asleep! There is a text which says "the way of transgressors is hard,” but I always think there must be some mistranslation and it should read," the way of reformers is hard."

'About this time I used occasionally to go and hear Spurgeon

C. H. SPURGEON

55

preach at his immense Tabernacle. No preacher was ever, I suppose, more popular than Spurgeon. With all his great gifts, his genius, his common-sense, and his courage, I cannot help thinking his magnificent voice and perfect elocution helped very much towards his popularity. It was very interesting to see how he swayed the enormous congregation who attended his ministry. His humour and wit are well known. One of the best stories which I know about him was that, when someone wrote to ask him whether a man who played the cornet à piston could be a Christian, he replied that " he didn't know, but he was sure the man who lived next door couldn't be!" He was a staunch Baptist, and I remember one day when he had been expounding Baptist doctrines in the pulpit for some time, he said: "I shall not proceed further with the argument now; anyone who wishes to understand the Baptist doctrine will find it all explained in a little book, which can be purchased for fourpence. It is called the New Testament."

'The Baptists are a denomination whom I have always heard highly spoken of. Still there is imperfection in everybody, even in Christians. In America, when the adults are baptized, it is the custom, I have been told, for the Minister to accompany them into any convenient river, while the onlookers line the bank. The Minister asks of the audience, about each convert, whether they know any reason against the baptism. On the Minister's, on one occasion, asking this question of the crowd, regarding an old man whom he was about to baptize, a Yankee, leaning on his rifle on the bank, replied: "Minister, I've known that old man for fifty yearsa regular tough old sinner he is. If you want to get the sin washed out of him, you'll have to anchor him out in deep water and leave him there over night!"

Lawson's reference to Gladstone in connexion with the Civil War in America seems to be justified by what occurred

in the recess of 1862. The Government, of which Gladstone was a leading Member, had issued a Proclamation of Neutrality, warning all subjects of the Queen against helping either of the belligerents. This was virtually a recognition of the South as a separate Power, and the resentment of the North was naturally aroused. England had rushed to extend equality of treatment to a friendly State and to its rebellious subjects. Speaking at Newcastle on the 7th of October, Gladstone used words which deepened this unfortunate impression. We may have our own opinions about slavery ; we may be for or against the South; but there is no doubt, I think, about this-Jefferson Davis and the other leaders of the South have made an army; they are making, it appears, a navy, and they have made what is more than either—they have made a nation. We may anticipate with certainty the success of the Southern States, so far as regards effecting their separation from the North. I, for my own part, cannot but believe that that event is as certain as any event yet future and contingent can be.'

Gladstone certainly did not overstate the case against himself when he said five years afterwards-'I must confess that I was wrong; and that I took too much upon myself in expressing such an opinion.'

CHAPTER III

CALM BEFORE STORM

A CALM, which could scarcely be described as holy, but which was certainly profound, had settled down on English politics. While Europe and America were agitated by wars and rumours of wars, England was at peace. The revenue advanced, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, 'by leaps and bounds.' Political agitation had died away for lack of workable material. Much of this tranquillity was due to Palmerston. That remarkable man, now on the verge of eighty, had been established by the General Election of 1859 in a position of undisputed supremacy. His policy abroad had been active and turbulent enough: at home it was easygoing to the point of lethargy. His strength was to sit still. When the Radical butcher at Tiverton asked him why he and his colleagues did not bring in another Reform Bill, he airily replied: Because we are not geese'; and this was all the satisfaction that sincere reformers, and Liberals who were in earnest about their beliefs, could obtain from their venerable leader. No wonder that under these circumstances the relations between Palmerston and his supporters became a little strained; or that thoughtful men, regarding the enormous interests which hung upon the single thread of a life already far prolonged, began to speculate on the forces which his death would let loose, and to enquire who was to direct them. The Parliament of 1859-1865 is interesting, not for any legislation which it accomplished, but because it afforded the first indications of tremendous changes which were soon to come. Palmerston himself is reported