or not. Of course it may be passed with the aid of recreant Radicals who will vote for anything; but, if it is passed, yours shall be the responsibility and yours shall be the shame. Although you may succeed now, if there be a spark of Liberalism left the Liberal party will never rest until it reverses a policy like this—a policy, in my opinion, never exceeded in the meanness of its conception, in the injustice of its scope, and in the cruelty of its bearing upon the struggling and industrious masses in this country. (Cheers.)

APPENDIX II

Sir Wilfrid Lawson to T. Fisher Unwin

You are good enough to ask me to write a few lines of my 'Appreciation and Reminiscences of Cobden.'

I fear that I have little to say which is worth publication. But, as Peter said to the poor man, ' Silver and gold have I none, but such as I have give I thee.'

Well, then, first as to my appreciation' of Cobden, this is how I look upon him. If statesmanship consists in working unselfishly, intelligently, and earnestly for the lasting welfare of the public, regardless of personal considerations, then I look on Cobden as the greatest statesman of the last century. So much for my appreciation' of him.

As to reminiscences,' it was my privilege to be acquainted with him during the few years between my entrance into Parliament in the year 1859 and his death in 1865.

Concerning his manners, habits, and charming personality, I have therefore nothing more to say than has been often well said already by many of his contemporaries.

But I can say that the impression which he made on me both in public and in private was that he was 'a man without guile'; a man who looked on Politics not as a profession, nor as a trade, but simply as a means of promoting the welfare and happiness of his countrymen and of the world. He knew that charity begins at home, and he appeared to me to feel that, if he could make his own country prosperous, peaceful, contented and

happy, he was taking the most practical step for ultimately also benefiting the world. He was, in short, a 'Little Englander." True, that is a political nickname which has only been invented lately, and which does great credit to its inventor, for this country is very much governed by good nicknames. But it pretty well describes those who do not believe that greatness is goodness and that smallness is sin; but who do believe that doing unto other nations as you would have other nations do to you is a wiser and sounder policy than that of the swagger-and-slaughter-species which is so highly appreciated in the present day.

You see I am rambling away to Mr. Cobden's policy rather than to the characteristics of the man himself. Yet his politics were the man, and for all time the names of Cobden and of Free Trade will be inseparably connected-an illustration of the truth of the lines which say―

So, when a good man dies,

For years beyond our ken

The light he leaves behind him lies

Upon the paths of men.

I can only say for myself that it was the early teachings of Cobden and Bright which formed the political creed-if there be such a thing as a political creed-to which I have always adhered, and from which I, in these modern days, see not the slightest reason to depart.

I rejoice that you propose to re-issue some of the writings of Mr. Cobden which contain his political views.

They must do good if people will 'read' them, though there is the difficulty, as, what with football, cricket, military pageants, gambling, and drinking, the Democracy are rather like the poor maid-of-all-work who said she always was tired,

For she lived in a world where so much was required.

I am glad, however, to think that the Cobden Club (of which I am one of the original members) has done a good deal, during all the years since we lost Mr. Cobden, to preach and propagate the pure doctrine of Free Trade. Mr. Potter, the member for Rochdale, was the leading and guiding spirit of that association, to the service of which he devoted untiring and incessant energy until

the day of his death. We owe him much for all that he did in this direction.

I well remember that at one time some of our friends thought that it was a kind of work of supererogation to keep up such an institution, as Free Trade principles and policy had taken root ineradically in this country and would no more be attacked.

As

Alas! for the shortsightedness of the wisest among us. I write, Protection has once more raised its hideous head; its supporters, never dead, but by the force of circumstances obliged for years to lay low,' are rallying to its support, and it looks as though another General Election will have to be fought on the old question the rival merits of the Big and the Little Loaf.

It is rather curious that, in the long contest, the Little Englanders will be for the big loaf and the Big Englanders for the little loaf !

Astute Protectionist electioneerers will, however, as usual, resort to verbal mystification. They will not speak of Protection, but of 'reform of our fiscal system,' 'broadening the basis of Taxation,' and so forth-phrases with which they hope to 'lead captive silly men.'

As I have hinted above, there is nothing so useful in electioneering as a good phrase, especially if it has a false meaning.

Thus, when we want to steal a country, we call it 'planting the standard of civilization amid barbarous tribes.' When we want to get public money for sectarian schools, we call them 'Voluntary schools.' When we want to maintain the supremacy of a particular view of Christianity, we call it 'recognizing a national religion,' and, when we wish to endow brewers, we say that' we are striving to benefit the widows and orphans of publicans.'

All these kinds of rubbishy things are sucked down like mother's milk, by a certain class of persons, at elections. Hence the importance of being very clear in the coming Protectionist struggle in explaining what the fight is really about.

'Fiscal Reform' means upsetting our settled policy of free imports of food, which has given this country a series of years of unexampled prosperity. Broadening the basis of taxation' means making the poor pay more for their food in order that the rich may pay less on their incomes.

All these manœuvres, machination, and dodges are dealt with in the writings of Cobden which you propose to re-issue; and if, as I have said, the people will read them, they must have a most beneficial effect.

We cannot unfortunately trust to the Press to lead the people in the right way so much as we could wish.

Mr. Milner-Gibson,' speaking in 1853-a year when the Chancellor of the Exchequer happened to have a surplus-said, 'I want to apply it to the repeal of the taxes on knowledge; and, by spreading sound information among the people, to do something for their future happiness and prosperity.' One hardly thinks that Mr. Gibson's forecast has come quite true. In America a mother asked her little boy, What becomes of liars?' and he replied, 'They go to New York to write in the newspapers.' I am very much afraid that some of them remain in England.

6

At any rate it seems very extraordinary that, if the cheap Press has spread sound political information among the Democracy, the said Democracy should of late years so warmly have supported much that tended to their deterioration and demoralization; acting more as though they were the slaves of the Aristocracy than their masters, which they have the power to be if they had the will.

It is nearly seventy years since Mr. Cobden wrote, The Colonies, Army, Navy and Church are, with the Corn Laws, merely accessories to our Aristocratic Government. John Bull has his work cut out for the next fifty years, to purge his house of these impurities.'

How strange things look to-day in the light of that sentence ! John Bull, since that was written, has certainly got rid of the Corn Laws, but one doubts if he would have had even the sense to do that had not a Famine come upon us which made their retention almost impossible. But as to Army and Navy-the agents of discord and devilry throughout the world-he glories in them. The supremacy of the Church he humbly endorses, and as to the House of Lords, where is the working man who does not bow down before a Lord? Mr. Cobden speaks of the Colonies. I The Right Hon. T. Milner-Gibson (1806-1884), M.P. for Manchester, and for Ashton-under-Lyne.

suppose he meant that they were our masters-at any rate that is what Mr. Chamberlain is trying to make them now, and Mr. Chamberlain has lately been John Bull's idol.

And now we are called on to fight a General Election for the restoration of the only one of the 'impurities' which John Bull has managed to get rid of, during the seventy years since Mr. Cobden spoke!

Is there any prophet who can tell us how all this is going to end? Yes. Lots of them, but not one whom I would believe. The only thing that is clear is, that we must go on explaining to the people the virtue and value of Free Trade; calling it a 'Fetish' if so our opponents desire. For all truth, whatever it be, is a 'Fetish' to me; and, fighting for it with heart and soul, we may retain the blessings which it has brought us, and so save the country from a return to the hideous horrors of the Protection system.

All honour to you for taking your share in this patriotic duty. Yours,

June 13, 1903.

WILFRID LAWSON.

APPENDIX III

The Memorial.

IMMEDIATELY after Sir Wilfrid Lawson's death, it was resolved by some of his private friends, and by the supporters of his public policy, to erect a Memorial Statue of one who had so long and so zealously laboured for the moral and material advancement of his fellow-men. The work was entrusted to Mr. David M'Gill, and so admirably executed that whoever gazes on the statue will know, as clearly as it is in the power of Sculpture to tell, how Lawson looked when he was making a public speech. The easy, almost negligent, posture, and the disposition of the hands, are absolutely lifelike.

By the kindness of the London County Council, the statue was erected on the Embankment Gardens, close to Cleopatra's Needle; and it was unveiled by the Prime Minister Mr. Asquith, on the 20th of July, 1909.